Introduction
1. Overview of the largest universities in Russia in the second half of the 19th century
2 Reforms in the field of university education
2.1 University charters
2.2 Legal status students
3 Russian students in the second half of the 19th century
3.1 Social composition and outlook
3.2 Life and entertainment
3.3 Student communities
Conclusion
Bibliography
Introduction
The reform of education, which has been permanently taking place in Russia from 1996 to the present, raises a huge number of questions, an order of magnitude more than they are able to solve with its help. One way or another, the reform is aimed at modernizing our domestic education, which used to be considered the best in the world, on the model of Western European education. From a historical point of view, this is a return to the origins, since higher education in Russia appeared much later than in most European countries and was created according to the Western European model and mainly by the “hands” of Western European (German) scientists. However, those reforms that were carried out later left European scholasticism far behind, and now the educational reformers have decided to “catch up” with Europe again. Whether the reform being carried out in today's Russia will really be able to return Russian higher education to its rightful place in the world is another question. And the fact that many traditions, and far from the worst ones, were thrown overboard during modernization is a fact.
In this regard, the relevance of research into the history of the formation of modern Russian higher education, the historical experience of its reform in the era of the "Great Reforms" of Alexander II, when Russia was once again "turned over", and with it the system of higher education.
At the same time, at the beginning of the XXI century. tendencies to change the value priorities that determine social development are becoming more and more obvious. Humanity is moving from an industrial society with a pronounced technocracy of thinking to a post-industrial, informational one, which implies a reassessment of the role of intelligence and human qualifications. The uniqueness of these processes in modern Russia due to the formation on its territory new system public relations associated with the change of socio-political and economic paradigms. The scale and pace of these transformations are forcing society to rely more and more on knowledge, therefore, at the present stage of Russia's development, education, in its inseparable connection with science, is becoming an increasingly powerful driving force for economic growth, increasing the efficiency and competitiveness of the national economy, which makes it one of the most important factors of national security.
The object of the study is the higher schools (universities) of post-reform Russia, considered in an organic relationship with the situation of Russian students in the second half of the 19th century.
The subject of the study is historical process reforming Russian higher education (universities) in the period of 60-90s. XIX century through university charters, as well as the Russian students of that era.
The study is based on the analysis of normative sources, journalism and memoirs of the period of the second half of the 19th century.
List of sources used
- General Rules of the Imperial Universities. June 18, 1863 // Political History of Russia: Reader / Comp. IN AND. Kovalenko, A.N. Medushevsky, E.N. Moshchelkov. M.: Aspect Press, 1996. 624 p.
- History of university education in pre-revolutionary Russia/ Under the total. ed. AND I. Saveliev. M.: Publishing house of NII VSh, 1993. 55 p.
- Eymontova R.G. Russian universities on the verge of two centuries. From serf Russia to capitalist Russia. M.: Nauka, 1985. 350 p.
- Moscow University in the memoirs of contemporaries. 1755–1917.: collection / Comp. Yu.N. Emelyanov. M.: Sovremennik, 1989. 735 p.
- Pushkarev S.G. Russia 1801–1917: power and society. M.: Posev, 2001. 672 p.
- Russia. Encyclopedic Dictionary. L.: Lenizdat, 1991. 922 p.
- Badaev M.I. Science and culture Russia XIX century. – M.: Thought, 1978, 327 p.
- Herzen A.I. Works. T.5. – M.: Fiction, 1982, 604 p.
- complete collection laws of the Russian Empire. Meeting 2nd. T. 1-55. from 12 Dec. 1825 to March 1, 1881. St. Petersburg, 1830-1884.
- Complete collection of laws of the Russian Empire. Meeting 3rd. T. 1-33. SPb., 1884-Pg. 1916.
- General charter and provisional staff of the imperial Russian universities. SPb., 1884., 38 p.
- Russian universities in their statutes and memoirs of contemporaries / Comp. THEM. Solovyov. SPb., 1914. Issue. 1. 572 p.
- Universities and secondary educational institutions for men and women in 50 provinces of European Russia. SPb., 1888.
- Georgievsky A.I. Brief historical outline of government measures against student unrest. SPb., 1890.
Overall volume: 43 pages
Year: 2011
The image of a Russian student at the end of the 19th beginning of the 20th century
In contrast to closed educational institutions, in which mostly nobles studied, a significant number of students at universities were people of the humble and not rich. To make ends meet, students were often forced to earn extra money. It was in the 19th century that the habitual appearance of a Russian student was formed, renting a cheap room and earning a living by private lessons or translations. True, the social status of the students was quite high.
But poverty and homelessness have at all times been companions of Russian students, who to a large extent came from a multi-strategic democratic environment. According to the inspection of Moscow University, in the 1899/1900 academic year, there were more than 50% of "insufficient" students. The student census of 1912 in St. Petersburg, which covered a little more than 2 thousand people, or 5.4% of those studying at higher educational institutions capital, recorded 30.7%) of needy students, which was also quite a lot. If this indicator is taken as the all-Russian one, for which there are grounds, since St. academic year amounted to approximately 40 thousand people (out of 123 thousand payroll of higher school students).
Since the sixties of the 19th century, for the most part, Moscow students have consisted of the provincial poor, raznochintsy, who had nothing in common with the townsfolk, and huddled in the Latin Quarter, between two Bronny and Palashevsky lanes, where the unpaved streets were filled with wooden buildings with small apartments.
In addition, two large abandoned manor houses of the Chebyshev nobles, with outbuildings, on Kozikha and on Bolshaya Bronnaya were almost entirely occupied by students.
In each room of the student apartments of the Latin Quarter, four people usually lived. Four miserable beds, they are chairs, a table and a shelf of books.
Students dressed in whatever, and often four tenants had two pairs of boots and two pairs of dresses, which established a queue: today two go to lectures, and the other two sit at home; tomorrow they will go to university.
They dined in canteens or ate dry food. Instead of tea, they brewed chicory, a round stick of which, a quarter of a pound, cost three kopecks, and it was enough for four days to ten.
In the seventies of the XIX century. The students did not yet have a uniform, but still they followed the fashion, and a student could always be recognized both by his manners and by his costume. Most of the most radical ones were dressed in the fashion of the sixties: necessarily long hair, a hat with a wide brim, mysteriously pulled over the eyes, and sometimes - the height of panache - a plaid and glasses, which gave the young men a learned look and seriousness. This is how students dressed until the beginning of the eighties, the time of reaction.
Legislative consolidation of the position of studentsIn 1819, the position of students was legislated. Academic degrees of the actual student, candidate, master and doctor appeared. A valid student was one who completed a university course and received a certificate. A student who completed the course and submitted a written essay to the faculty received a candidate's degree. An academic degree gave the right to receive the appropriate class in the official hierarchy: the 14th class for students (which corresponded to the rank of ensign), the 10th for candidates (company commander), the 9th for masters and the 8th for doctors.
According to Art. 39-40 of the Law “On the organization of schools” of January 24, 1803 “Every University must have a Teachers' or Pedagogical Institute. Students admitted to it receive a PhD combined with special benefits in content.
The prescribed number of candidates is predominantly filled with state pupils. They cannot, without important reasons, leave the teaching rank without having served in it for at least six years from appointment to position.
The state tried to interest the nobility in university education as well. In 1809, at the initiative of M. M. Speransky, a decree was adopted, according to which an official could not receive the rank of 7th class (college assessor) and 5th class (state councilor) without presenting a university diploma or passing a special exam. Among the academic disciplines, without which the official could not live, were Russian and one of the foreign languages, law, state economy, criminal laws, Russian history, geography, mathematics and physics. Thus, graduating from the university became a condition for a successful career.
The growing popularity of university education and the increase in the number of students led to the fact that again there was an acute shortage of professors. The government again had to invite teachers from abroad. Of course, the visiting teachers did not know Russian, and the students did not understand Latin, in which they were accustomed to lecturing. As a result, the teachers had to repeat the explanations twice: in German (for those who did not know French) and in French (for those who did not know German). The teaching of mathematics suffered least of all from this, for the assimilation of which you can do with a minimum of words.
Assuming the throne Alexander III began to establish strict rules. They also touched the university. The new charter of 1884 abolished professorial autonomy and doubled lecture fees to deprive the poor of a higher education, and in addition, a new expense was added - students were ordered to wear a new uniform: uniforms, frock coats and coats with official buttons and caps with blue bands.
The university charter of 1884 restricted the autonomy of the university, giving the Minister of Education the right to appoint rectors (previously elected by the professorship) and not take into account the opinion of the professorship when appointing teachers. However, the level of university education did not suffer. At the beginning of the XX century. Russian university education was fully consistent with Western European education, and university autonomy was restored in 1905.
The composition of the student body in Russia was much more democratic than, for example, in England or Germany, where almost exclusively children of the aristocracy and the bourgeoisie studied at the universities. The tuition was low and there were many "scholarship holders". Beginning in the 1860s, “the majority of students were poor and indigent. In the early 70s. 72% of students lived on scholarships and allowances at Kazan University, 70 and 80% of students in Kiev and Odessa belonged to insufficient ones. In Moscow University in 1876, 59% was exempted from payment! At Moscow University in 1899-1900. 1957 students out of 4017 were exempted from the fee. In addition, 874 students received scholarships established by individuals and public organizations. According to the charter of 1884, the tuition fee was 10 rubles. annually, in 1887 it was increased to 50 rubles. Students also contributed from 40 to 50 rubles. annually for fees to professors. In the natural sciences, additional laboratory fees were due.
A hundred years ago, MSU students did not have mobile phones, the Internet, computers, and even typewriters were very rare. But they studied, spending the last money on education, rented tiny rooms in the attics and did not want to part with their books. Walking through the corridors and classrooms of the modern Faculty of Journalism (one of the old buildings of Moscow State University), it is interesting to mentally travel a little more than a hundred years ago, to the end of the 19th century, and imagine the then students ...
... It was possible to get to the university on foot or, if funds allowed, to hire a cab. I had to get up in different ways: for some, classes began with the first couple at 9 in the morning. Someone later. Classes were on time. The last lecture ended at 4 pm, but rarely did anyone have to sit at the university with all seven couples.
Education students sought to give deep. True, the teachers themselves admitted that the course of lectures often turned out to be “torn” (in official documents this was called “fragmentation of teaching”). For example, classes in comparative linguistics could stretch for two or four years, when the course was taught with breaks of several months, although all the disciplines related to it could be read in just a year. In the 1990s, it was decided that if the course of lectures had to be “broken up”, at least one large section of the course had to fit into one semester in order to form a correct understanding of the subject among students.
Faculties were not clearly separated from each other. Therefore, at the historical and philological general lectures, both philologists and historians listened, and then they were divided into two large streams - "A" and "B" - and studied special disciplines. The stream was divided into groups of 25 people - so the teachers had time to control the students' classes. Studied almost the same as today. Philologists were obliged to know the history of Russian and foreign literature, wrote works on it (an analogue of current abstracts), studied ancient and new languages, and interpreted works of ancient authors at seminars. Of the new languages, English, French, German and Italian were popular. You could learn Lithuanian or Serbian. Of the ancients (in addition to Greek and Latin) - Gothic and Sanskrit. Interestingly, everyone passed the exam in geography.
Education cost money (they were deducted for non-payment of fees), but theology was a compulsory and free subject for everyone (note that now a similar subject is being introduced at many universities, sometimes it is called “ New Testament"). In addition, they studied the logic of science, philosophy, the doctrine of character (now - psychology) and rather narrow subjects, for example, "The Persecution of Christianity."
There was a period when only lectures were included in the literature hours, but over time, a “special consultation hour was appointed for conversation” - this is almost a modern seminar, but designed not so much to ask students for homework, but so that students asked questions to the teacher and better understood the subject.
In addition to the compulsory disciplines, it was possible to attend additional classes - something like the current special courses - and write papers on them. Such a special course, for example, was offered by Alexei Nikolaevich Veselovsky, who read the history of French literature.
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With such a busy schedule, they studied six days a week, from Monday to Saturday. There was only one day off, and even that had to be spent on preparing homework or working part-time: there was always not enough money. Education was paid, books were expensive. You had to pay for housing. The offspring of rich and influential families could easily gnaw at the granite of science. Those who are poorer - those who come from families of ruined nobles and completely poor students - had to take care not only of grades, but also of subsistence.
A common type of earnings were private lessons. Working with other people's children or doing tasks for lazy but wealthy fellow students is not very easy when you yourself have to write term papers and do translations, and besides, it was required in a good way special permission and a certificate stating that the young tutor has sufficient education for teaching pedagogy. Those who, for various (often financial) reasons, could not graduate from the university had the opportunity to pass the exam and officially obtain a license and become teachers.
For those who had very little money, university scholarships were a great support. There were a huge number of them at each faculty. There were scholarships for everyone - any student could apply for them. To become a scholarship holder, one had to submit a petition with an explanation. For example, like this: "... I am a needy person, as proof of which I have a certificate of poverty." There were also special ones, for example, a scholarship named after the poet V. A. Zhukovsky, intended exclusively for the nobles of the Tula province. Students received payments of about 25 rubles a month, and this was a sufficient amount. The amount of money available for scholarships was limited. The number of scholarship holders was vigilantly monitored not only by accounting specialists, but also by students. When they found out that they stopped paying a scholarship to someone (for example, a person graduated from his studies), they tried to be the first to write a petition: “Such a scholarship no longer receives, as a result of which I ask you to assign a scholarship to me.” The students were well aware that for many scholarships were the only means of life, so those whose financial situation improved wrote petitions to refuse scholarships, explaining such a decision simply and briefly: “I do not consider myself entitled now to use the said scholarship.” In need of students generally tried to help. Someone was rescued by books, someone - by housing. They organized an orchestra and a choir, and the money from concerts was given to poor students.
Housing was a major problem. Nonresidents were provided with a hostel, but it could be abandoned. Then, as compensation, the student was given a scholarship with the expectation that the money would be spent on renting a room. In 1899, this scholarship was 400 rubles.
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The students were treated very carefully. A case is known when one capable student, a certain Azbukov, began to suffer from persecution mania. He was sent to the hospital for treatment, then he returned to the university, but soon the disease resumed. The student was poor, could not study further due to illness, the Committee student hostel took over the care of the young man, knowing that his family was too poor to support the former student.
There were still many scholarships, which were appointed "with a scientific purpose." With this money, the student could live while he was doing scientific work or preparing to receive an academic title. The Lomonosov scholarship was 298 rubles a year, the Potemkin scholarship was 366, and the government scholarship was 300 rubles.
Large rewards could be obtained by writing a good scientific work and becoming the winner of some competition. A prize of 1,500 rubles, for example, could be received by a student who wrote best work in the history of education literary languages Italy, Greece and Slavic countries at a competition organized by the St. Petersburg Slavic Charitable Society in the 90s of the XIX century.
Scientific work required not only knowledge and strength, but also specialized literature. Books (as, indeed, today) were given to students at home, some were allowed to be read only in the reading room. In order to work with educational literature during the holidays ("vacation time"), it was necessary to write a special request. Failure to return library books was severely punished. Lists of debtors were submitted to the rector. Those who brought the book at the wrong time paid a fine. Those who refused to return the literature were visited by the police and the books were confiscated by force. Literature was valued so highly that the governor-general himself "took care" of the debtors. Accidentally or not, but most often students did not return foreign books (perhaps they contained especially valuable material or they could be sold at a higher price).
Students were engaged, of course, not only in studies. They participated in revolutionary speeches (for which many were expelled without the right to recovery), had fun and fell in love. Marriage required special permission. But in general, it was believed that "the right family environment can serve as a more reliable guarantee of physical and moral health" and, consequently, a stable study. It was possible to marry from the age of 21 with the consent of the parents, and “with a police certificate of the bride’s trustworthiness”. A guarantee of the material security of the marriage was obligatory. Either it was help from parents, or a contribution to the University Treasury of the amount to provide for the family while the husband was taking the course at the rate of payments in the amount of 25 rubles per month.
It is curious that the students were named not by courses, but by semesters: student of the third semester Semyon Ivanov. The autumn half-year lasted from August 20 to December 20, the spring half-year - from January 15 to May 30. After passing the exams, the student moved to the next course or received a diploma of higher education. Then he could go to work or, which many aspired to, stay at the university, get a scientific title and, in a few years, begin to teach young students himself.
Introduction
Chapter I
University education and students in Russia in 1850 - early 1860s
Chapter II
Legal status of Russian students
Chapter III
The material and everyday aspect of the situation of students in the second half of the XIX century
Conclusion
Introduction (excerpt)
Russian universities have always been islands of secular culture, education and creativity, which is impossible without some “freedom from”…. Freedom to some extent from power, ideology, freedom from isolation and class. Students have always been a special group of people, which had their own customs, traditions, their own culture and identity. It is the relationship between students and universities, which acted as conductors of state order and politics, that is and has been the subject of research by domestic scientists both before the 1917 revolution and after.
The relevance of studying these relations has not disappeared to this day, because the authorities have always sought to put universities under control in order to be able to educate a loyal generation of young people. However, the paradox of such an attitude of power is that it almost never succeeded. Students at all times, even the most severe reaction, were aware of their unity, their interests and defended them in every possible way.
The aim of this paper is to try to solve the difficult dilemma: was royal power the factor that determined not only the development of Russian students, but also predetermined its historical fate? Did the political weakness of the government, expressed in its dictatorship and authoritarianism, create conditions for development that predetermined the role of the Russian intelligentsia in the future? That is, the purpose of this work is an attempt to answer the question about the role of autocracy in the formation of a special type of intelligentsia, active in student years and passive during the crisis of power, unable to do anything and somehow turn the situation around.
Conclusion (excerpt)
The role of post-reform universities in social and political life was determined by deep objective prerequisites. Not only university problems proper lay at the basis of the university crisis, which became especially aggravated by the beginning of the 20th century. The unresolved contradictions of a society in which the development of capitalism was held back by feudal remnants, the absence of political freedoms at that time created a tense political climate in Russia in the last quarter of the 19th century. Even during the reforms of the 1960s, the government cut off any legal path to freedom, because it responded with repression even to simple petitions, because it never even allowed people to speak freely about freedom.
Literature
SOURCES
1. Kovalevsky M.M. Moscow University in the late 70s and early 80s of the last century. Personal memories / Moscow University in the memoirs of contemporaries. 1755-1917. M., 1989
2. Lebedev V.A. Educational memories. / Russian antiquity 1908. No. 7 - 10
3. General Charter of the Imperial Russian Universities in 1863/ w*w.lib.r* - Library of Maxim Mashkov.
4. Pisarev D.I. Works in 4 volumes. M., 1955 - 1956. T2
5. Full Code of Laws of the Russian Empire /under. ed. A.A. Dobrovolsky. SPb 1911., book 2
6. Sechenov I.M. At Moscow University (1850 - 1856) / Moscow University in the memoirs of contemporaries. 1755-1917. M., 1989
7. Sorokin V. Memoirs of an old student / Russian antiquity 1888 No. 12
LITERATURE
1. Andreev A.Yu. Lectures on the history of Moscow University. 1755-1855. M., 2001
2. Borodzin I.N. Universities in the era of the 60s - In the book History of Russia in the XIX century. SPb. 1908 - 1909. T4
3. Great reforms in Russia 1856 - 1874 / ed. L.G. Zakharova et al. M., 1992
4. Georgievsky A.I. Brief essay government measures and plans against student unrest. SPb. 1890
5. Janilyaev G.A. University autonomy / From the era of great reforms. 1893. 10th ed. SPb., 1907
6. Elenev F.P. Student riots. SPb.1888.
7. Ikonnikov V.S. Russian universities in connection with the course of public education / Bulletin of Europe, 1876. No. 9 - 10
8. Klyuchevsky V.O. Russian history course / EBook. IDDK.2005
9. Leikina-Svirskaya V. R. Intelligentsia in Russia in 1901-1917. M., 1981
10. Leikina-Svirskaya V.R. Intelligentsia in Russia in the second half of the 19th century. M., 1971
11. Litvak B.G. Coup of 1861 in Russia: why the reformist alternative was not implemented. M., 1991
12. Moscow University in the memoirs of contemporaries. 1755-1917. M., 1989
13. Pokrovsky M.N. Russian history since ancient times. M., 1934
14. The revolutionary situation in Russia in the middle. XIX century / Ed. M.V. Nechkina M., 1978
15. Rozhdestvensky SV Historical review of the activities of the Ministry of Education. 1802-1902. SPb. 1902
16. Firsov N.A. Student stories at Kazan University 1855 - 1863 / Russian antiquity 1889. No. 3,4, 6 - 8
17. Shchetinina GI Students and the revolutionary movement in Russia. M., 1987
18. Shchetinina G. I. Universities in Russia and the charter of 1884, M., 1976
19. Eymontova R.G. Russian universities on the path of reform: the sixties of the XIX century. M., 1993
20. Eymontova R.G. Russian universities on the verge of two eras. From serf Russia to capitalist Russia. M., 1985
Commentary by Academic Supervisor Marina Fadeeva, Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor, Dean of the HSE Faculty of History Alexander Kamensky
In the mass consciousness, a Russian student of the late 19th and early 20th centuries usually appears as an eternally hungry consumptive youth with a feverish gleam in his eyes and with a soul filled with the most benevolent revolutionary impulses. However, one has only to seriously think about how, even without resorting to specialized literature, it becomes clear that, like many other stilted images that make up mass ideas about the past, this one also does not stand up to criticism. Indeed, if all Russian students of that era were dying of consumption and were preoccupied not with their studies, but only with plans to fight the autocracy, in Russia at the beginning of the last century there would not have been brilliant scientists, engineers, lawyers, doctors and people of all other professions who were trained Russian universities. Yes, and during the period of revolutionary upheavals and civil war For some reason, the Russian students turned out to be by no means on the side of the Bolsheviks.
The organization of higher education in tsarist Russia, the university as a scientific corporation and many other topics related to this issue, of course, it is no coincidence that Lately became one of the most prominent areas of historical research. What today is often called a crisis in national education and science has deep and by no means only economic roots. Researchers are concerned about the organization of the scientific community, its structure, the system of internal relations, and the norms of scientific ethics. In this context, Marina Fadeeva's appeal to the history of Russian students seems quite logical and natural. However, as her supervisor, I dare say that she came to her completely independently. Becoming a history student high school Economics, she, apparently, and perhaps even without realizing it herself, experienced curiosity about the phenomenon of students, which, ultimately, led her to this topic. Curiosity, as is well known, is the main driving force Sciences. Having once begun to study Russian students a hundred years ago, Marina, of course, discovered many far-from-resolved issues in this topic and was seriously carried away by it.
The history of Russian pre-revolutionary students is provided, though not too voluminous, but quite representative historiography. In particular, in recent decades, a significant contribution to it has been made by several monographs by A.E. Ivanov, who is rightly considered the best expert on this topic. The work of Marina Fadeeva, however, once again proves that in science there are no “closed” topics once and for all, and each new generation of historians asks the past new questions and receives new answers to them.
Marina Fadeeva, as a researcher who is just starting her career in science and belongs to the youngest generation of Russian historians, is distinguished at the same time by respect for her predecessors, whose works she actively uses, and a healthy distrust of everything that she finds in them, the desire to double-check each " historical fact' to document it. Her term paper presented here bears little resemblance to an ordinary student term paper, significantly exceeding it not only in volume (more than 120 pages!), but also in the variety of subjects covered in it and the methods used. Not to mention the fact that in the coursework written in the second year you will not often find references to archival sources! Another distinguishing feature of the presented work is its consistency.
The author began with an attempt to understand what students are as a social group, what place they occupied in Russian society, what distinctive characteristics were provided by his contemporaries and subsequent historiography, then moving on to its formal characteristics (number, social background), and from them to the reconstruction of reality Everyday life, which she rightly and in full accordance with the ideas of modern science considers as the basis for the formation of a worldview. To the reader, who is not too versed in the peculiarities of modern historical knowledge and expects to find, in the work with such a title, first of all, information about the number of students inspired by the works of Lavrov, Bakunin, Mikhailovsky and Marx, such an approach may seem strange, and the abundance of tables and other digital material and completely avert from careful reading. But as soon as you read it, you discover with pleasure how the next historical stereotypes begin to crumble. In addition, let's remember: we are only an intermediate stage on the way to big science, although not devoid of certain stylistic and compositional shortcomings, but representing a very serious and thorough application.
Formation of the worldview of the Moscow students of the end XIX - start XX century
1. The concepts of "raznochintsy", "intelligentsia»
The concept of "students", like any definition, cannot be unambiguous. The related concepts are just as diverse. The raznochintsy component of students in the understanding of contemporaries and the minds of researchers often overshadows other parts of the student body, many students are defined as young intelligentsia, and therefore, in our opinion, in anticipation of discussions about students, we should define what “raznochintsy” and “intelligentsia” are.
Pre-revolutionary historiography already understood the raznochinets in different ways: if B. Frommet defines the raznochintsy as “people without a family, without a tribe, sometimes associated with the lower ranks of the people, always cut off from all classes of society, with high hopes and without a penny in their pocket, with dreams of a marshal rod and without any social status ", then S. Svatikov, on the contrary, calls the main qualities of a raznochinets" a high understanding of the individual and a sharply expressed sense of self-worth ".
The definition of B. Frommett is similar to the ideas about raznochintsy that prevail in culture. As E. Wirtshafter writes, non-nobles and educated commoners were called raznochintsy - initially to belittle or condemn demeanor. For example, raznochintsy at A.N. Ostrovsky - these are half-educated students, non-nobles.
In Soviet historiography, the concept of "raznochintsy" is closely intertwined with the criterion of education. According to V.R. Leykina-Svirskaya, by the 19th century, “those who received a rank or title by the right of education began to be called raznochintsy”.
Modern researchers emphasize the fact that categories of the population that often fall under the criteria of raznochintsy did not use this term for self-determination. E. Wirtshafter also writes about the 19th century as a turning point in the definition of raznochintsy: originally a transitional category of ignoble strangers, they become part of the educated elite.
If by the period of interest to us, raznochintsy are often defined through the presence of higher education, then it will be interesting to look at how they correlate with the intelligentsia in the research literature.
Modern historiography pays attention to this issue. Researchers such as S.G. Stafeev, V.V. Bocharov, E.I. Shcherbakova and L.G. Sukhotin either distinguish "raznochintsy" as part of the intelligentsia, or identify these concepts. For example, L.G. Sukhotina writes about the intelligentsia as "raznochinny in terms of social composition."
There are many definitions of the intelligentsia in historiography, each of the authors strives to give his own, the most complete and accurate, but no one has succeeded in this endeavor. K.B. Sokolov, considering the established definitions of the intelligentsia, identifies three main criteria by which one or another part of society is singled out into a single group called "intelligentsia": an intellectual as a person with an appropriate level of education, or as a "good person", a valiant knight, "conscience people", educator, defender, or as a dissident.
Most of the definitions of the intelligentsia in the historiography we have examined can be divided into these three groups: V.V. Bocharov, B.I. Kolonitsky and V. Zhivov. The image of a “good person” was mostly liked Soviet researchers(in their works, N.G. Chernyshevsky and N.A. Dobrolyubov formed intellectuals as people of the highest spiritual qualities), V.R. Leikina-Svirskaya, M.N. Tikhomirov and A.N. Maslinny. Both pre-revolutionary and modern authors believe in the "dissidence" of the intelligentsia. This is P.B. Struve, I.A. Ilyin , P.I Novgorodtsev , E.I. Shcherbakova , E. Wirtschafter , S.M. Usmanov and L.G. Sukhotin.
K.B. himself Sokolov criticizes all three common approaches. In his opinion, “there is no doubt that the intelligentsia is not just a category or not only a professional one. These are not just people of “intellectual labor”, but also, for example, representatives of the village intelligentsia, and therefore the first criterion is not suitable. The author proposes to represent the concepts of "intelligentsia" and "educated class" in the form of two concentric circles, then the intelligentsia is an internal initiative, creative circle.
Also, the intelligentsia is only in a fit of narcissism, according to K.B. Sokolova, could position herself as the "conscience of the people." In addition, the defined group itself never identified itself with the revolutionaries, and the revolution did not position its intelligence.
Thus, the selected criteria, according to K.B. Sokolov, are not true. However, he himself despairs of the possibility of ever once and for all ending the dispute about the intelligentsia and, it seems, comes to a certain agreement with the philologist V.S. Elistratov, who claims that anything can be found in the meaning of this word, but any definition will imply the best part of Russia.
What are the distinguishing features of the intelligentsia? Researchers of different generations and views single out in it detachment (V.M. Zhivov, P.B. Struve, E.I. Shcherbakova, P.I. Novgorodtsev), isolation, alienation (P.B. Struve, I.A. Ilyin , E. Wirtshafter, L.G. Sukhotina), radicalism (E.I. Shcherbakova, S.M. Usmanov), skepticism, criticality, nihilism (I.A. Ilyin, L.G. Sukhotina, E.I. Shcherbakova ).
“Beggars, unarmed people throw kings off the throne out of love for their neighbor. Out of love for the motherland, the soldiers trample on death with their feet, and she runs without looking back. Wise men ascend to heaven and dive into hell itself - out of love for the truth. The earth is being rebuilt out of love for beauty." The intelligentsia appeared to researchers to be just as versatile, and, perhaps, it was just as diverse in reality, not representing a homogeneous mass. We agree with K.B. Sokolov and, recognizing that “in general, it is already obvious that none of the known definitions of the intelligentsia is able to cover and explain the entire phenomenon as a whole” and we are talking about a concept that “does not have a clear detonation and includes an element of interpretation already when it is used ”, let us turn to the definition of students and highlighting the characteristic features of its Russian part.
2. Definition of students, its characteristics in Russian realities
Student - a student of a higher educational institution, university or academy.
V. Dahl. Dictionary living Great Russian language
Students are considered as a special society that was formed around this educational institution and makes an independent contribution to public life.
Feofanov A.M. Students of Moscow University in the second half
XVIII
- first quarter
XIX
V.
As epigraphs for this part, we took two definitions of students: given in the Explanatory Dictionary of a contemporary of the period we are considering - V.I. Dahl and formulated in the work of a contemporary researcher. According to these statements, it is clear that over two centuries, ideas about the subject of interest to us have not undergone significant changes.
The research literature tends to oppose the student body and its characteristic features depending on the geography of study: they do not see much similarity in Russian and foreign students, except for the fact of receiving higher education. An exception is the position of B. Frommett, who at the beginning of the 20th century disputed the widespread contemporary statements to him, “as if only in Russia alone, studying youth dare to claim active participation in the political life of the country, [which] without any doubt, is wrong, or at least , greatly exaggerated."
Most researchers who have addressed this issue tend to oppose Russian students to foreign students. This tradition begins with pre-revolutionary authors. For example, G.B. Sliozberg sees the answer to the question of whether revolutionism is a specific feature of Russian students in “the difference in the composition of students”: in Europe, higher education was the lot of the elite, and therefore the material issue that played such a big role in the life of students in Russia did not stand there at all.
Our contemporaries V.V. Ponomarev and L.B. Khoroshilov, the explanation for such a significant difference is found in the very culture of universities. The Russian path “was a path opposite to the Western European one, where the experience, traditions, culture accumulated in society completely determined the lifestyle of educational institutions, but in our country it is in many respects the opposite - educational institutions created according to someone else's model themselves, sometimes by feel, created traditions, and culture, shaped the experience that decades later will form the basis of the traditions of the next generations of educational institutions.
Let us turn to questions closer to our topic and, on the basis of the censuses of Moscow (1882 and 1902), we will look at the share of students in the total mass of the Moscow population and at the quantitative changes taking place with this group. First, we present data that allow us to judge the percentage of the male population of the age we need (from 18 to 30 years old - the most common student age) to the entire mass of the population of Moscow, and then we correlate these men with the number of students.
Let's make a reservation in advance that we are interested in the age from 18 to 30 years and only students from the variety of all students, so in the tables we will provide only data on these ages and categories.
Table 1. Age distribution of the male population (1882) .
| Age | Husband. | Total |
| 15–20 | 7,00% | 12,00% |
| 20–25 | 8,00% | 12,00% |
| 25–30 | 7,00% | 11,00% |
| Total | 57,00% | 100,00% |
The table shows that out of the entire population of Moscow in 1882, we will be interested in 22% of men. We correlate them with the number of students.
Table 2. Distribution according to the degree of education of the male population (1882)
| windows. | Not OK. | Total | |
| Universities | 2785 | 703 | 3488 |
So, in total, in 1882, 432,447 males lived in Moscow, of which 22% were men aged 18 to 30 years, i.e. 95,138 people. Of these, 3488 people were listed as students at the university. This means that 0.8% of men in Moscow were students in 1882.
Let us now look at the changes that had taken place by 1902.
Table 3. Age distribution of the male population (1902)
| Age (years of age) | born | ||
| In Moscow | Outside Moscow | Total | |
| 18 | 3148 | 15 374 | 18 522 |
| 19 | 2722 | 14 637 | 17 359 |
| 20 | 2524 | 16 025 | 18 549 |
| 21 | 2288 | 15 829 | 18 117 |
| 22 | 2180 | 17 723 | 19 903 |
| 23 | 2045 | 16 506 | 18 551 |
| 24 | 1937 | 15 037 | 16 974 |
| 25 | 2038 | 16 730 | 18 768 |
| 26 | 1992 | 14 754 | 16 746 |
| 27 | 2022 | 16 275 | 18 297 |
| 28 | 2079 | 16 332 | 18 411 |
| 29 | 1765 | 12 346 | 14 111 |
| 30 | 2080 | 16 725 | 18 805 |
According to these data, out of the entire population of Moscow in 1882, we will be interested in 38% of men. We correlate them with the number of students.
Table 4. Distribution according to the degree of education of the male population (1902)
| Age (years of age) | Total number [students in higher education] | Universities |
| 18 | 1742 | 173 |
| 19 | 1488 | 474 |
| 20 | 1430 | 800 |
| 21 | 1389 | 962 |
| 22 | 1146 | 902 |
| 23 | 969 | 776 |
| 24 | 719 | 602 |
| 25 | 536 | 418 |
| 26 | 324 | 250 |
| 27 | 197 | 145 |
| 28 | 101 | 59 |
| 29 | 58 | 35 |
| 30 or more | 158 | 76 |
| Total | 43981 | 5690 |
In 1882, 613,303 males lived in Moscow, of which 38% were men aged 18 to 30, i.e. 233,113 people. Of these, 5690 people are listed as students at the university, which means that in 1902, 0.92% of men in Moscow were students.
Thus, over the 20 years from 1882 to 1902, the number of university students increased: from 3488 to 5690 people and grew from only 0.8% to 0.92%.
“What is the appearance of a Russian student? There is no doubt that the Russian students were a group of young people, imbued in the vast majority with the desire to develop principles for future activities - a group that had its own common features and was imbued with a special mood, ”wrote G.B. Sliozberg.
Based on the studied historiography, memoirs of students and professors, as well as information from official reports, we will try to determine these common features and highlight distinctive features Russian students.
There are no less disputes regarding the definition of students than in the case of the intelligentsia. So, according to S. Kassov, the students were distinguished by a "clear sense of corporate identity", as well as a "sense of a student family". According to A.M. Annenkov, "how distinguishing feature in the student environment of the first third of the XIX century. freedom of opinion and speech can be singled out, and G.B. Sliozberg - "the presence among students of heterogeneous, alien in upbringing and habits to elements" . V.R. Leikina-Svirskaya insists that "Russian students had a democratic character." “The expectations of beneficial changes in Russian society, typical for the students of that time [the end of the 19th - the beginning of the 20th century,” notes A.E. Ivanov. V.E. Baghdasaryan is sure that "the departure of students to the revolution was a manifestation of the crisis of youthful socialization." “Professors, as well as a significant part of the so-called educated society [in fact, the intelligentsia], educate the younger generation, in short, a revolutionary spirit,” Professor N.P. states with indignation. Bogolepov. “The growth of the student movement gave rise to a powerful impulse for self-knowledge among the students of universities,” writes Yu.D. Margolis, “as far as society is concerned, in this era the student’s blue band was a patent for trust,” emphasizes S. Svatikov.
From this variety of striking characteristics, it becomes clear only that the main features of the student body were its diversity and heterogeneity. What are the inalienable qualities of a Russian student of the late 19th - early 20th century?
We have formulated the following ten distinctive features: community and solidarity; the desire to develop ideals and norms of behavior; transition and heterogeneity; democracy; search for yourself; corporatism; own ideas about the future; state of political views; commitment to certain ideas and, finally, interaction with society.
The selected features of the students are understood differently by historiography and the authors of the sources: some are noted only by the authors of a certain era, others are accepted by the majority, many turn out to be controversial. Let's consider them sequentially.
Let us first turn to the features of the student body, understood in a similar way. All authors note, firstly, the desire of students for community and solidarity (information from the “Report of the Moscow University Commission of 1901 on the causes of student unrest”, works by S. Melgunov, S. Svatikov, S. Kassov, P.V. Grishunin, A .M. Feofanov and E. Vishlenkova, R. Galiullina, K. Ilyina). Secondly, their desire to develop ideals and norms of behavior that proclaimed freedom, morality, and ideological life as ideals is noted (information provided by S. Melgunov, “Report of the Judicial Commission for 1893/1894”, S. Svatikov, A.E. Ivanov, G.I. Shchetinina, S. Kassov and A.M. Annenkov). Thirdly, the transition and heterogeneity of the students, who came out of different social strata and at the university transformed into something, on the one hand, completely new, and on the other hand, retaining traces of the original estate and class affiliation (data from G.B. Sliozberg, V R. Leikina-Svirskaya, A. E. Ivanov, N. G. Georgieva, S. Kassova, V. N. Simonov and A. M. Feofanov). Fourthly, it is the democracy of students in various spheres of life (representations by S. Svatikov, V.R. Leikina-Svirskaya, A.E. Ivanov and N.G. Georgieva). And, fifthly, students' search for themselves (beliefs of S. Melgunov, B. Frommet, S. Kassov, Yu.D. Margolis and N.G. Zavadsky).
Other five features are controversial in the interpretation of researchers. This is, firstly, the corporatism of students, which most people call one of the main features of the student body (R. Vydrin, A.E. Ivanov, S. Kassov, O.A. Vakhterova, P.V. Grishunin, I.V. Zimin and E. Vishlenkova, R. Galiullina, K. Ilyin), while others, on the contrary, write about the destruction of corporatism by the charter of 1884 (information from the “Report of the Moscow University Commission of 1901 on the causes of student unrest” and S.I. Mitskevich). Secondly, their ideas about the future: uncertain (in the interpretation of G.B. Sliozberg and S. Kassov) and confidence in change (A.E. Ivanov). Thirdly, the state of political views is assessed by researchers in different ways. They were almost equally divided in their opinions: some speak of the uncertainty and heterogeneity of student ideas (R. Vydrin, A. Saltykov, V.B. Elyashevich, M.V. Sabashnikov, S. Kassov, V.N. Simonov and A.M. Annenkov), others write about political differentiation and activity (G.B. Sliozberg, V. Lind, G.A. Veselaya, A.E. Ivanov, S.I. Radtsig, N.G. Zavadsky, V.E. Baghdasaryan). Fourthly, the commitment of Russian students to certain ideas: we learn either about the inclination of students to liberal ideas (A. Saltykov and Yu.K. Rachkovskaya), or about their revolutionary worldview (N.I. Khudyakov, G.I. Shchetinina, S D. Speshkov and N. G. Zavadsky). And finally, fifthly, the interaction of students and society is also regarded ambiguously: if the majority tends to their mutual trust (Commission of the Moscow University of 1901 on the causes of student unrest, S.D. Speshkov, B. Frommet, V. Kurbsky, S. Svatikov, G.B. Sliozberg and A.S. Izgoev), then the rest write about students outside of society (S. Melgunov) or about society's distrust of students (in the submissions of the Judicial Commission [student]).
This is how the image of Russian students of the late 19th - early 20th century appears in the sources and works of researchers.
3. Correlation of the concepts of students, intelligentsia and raznochintsy
Above, we talked about the intelligentsia, its definitions and characteristics, as well as the definition of the Russian student body and its inherent features. Now consider how these concepts are combined from the point of view of researchers from different eras.
Regardless of the time of creation of their works, various authors are unanimous in their assessments. S. Svatikov, G.B. Sliozberg , A. Saltykov , N.G. Georgiev, G.I. Shchetinina, N.G. Zavadsky and B.I. Kolonitsky.
Some researchers separately emphasize that the students were "the quintessence of the Russian intelligentsia." We find such statements, in particular, in the works of R. Vydrin, A.E. Ivanov and K.B. Sokolova.
Thus, we have shown how historiography assesses raznochintsy, the intelligentsia, and students, what characteristic features stand out in each case, and how these concepts are combined with each other. To understand the relationship between these three concepts and to understand the essence of the student body, we expressed this relationship with a diagram.
Scheme 1 
Let us briefly explain the structure of the circuit. Let us first explain the inclusion of the intelligentsia in the educated population only as a part. This is explained by our agreement with the ideas of S.G. Stafeev, who defines the intelligentsia in such a way in Russian realities. He is convinced that “unlike Western intellectuals, for whom the main criterion for attributing them to this stratum was the professional occupation of mental labor, in Russia people began to be called intelligentsia, distinguished primarily by two characteristic features: the desire to selflessly serve the people, to express and protect its interests and irreconcilable opposition to political power. Thus, in Russian realities, along with the level of education, one of the main criteria for the intelligentsia is its opposition. Further, according to E.K. Wirtshafter, raznochintsy are fully included in the intelligentsia, tk. were its most radical part. As for the students, it seemed important to us to emphasize their heterogeneity not only in social terms, but also in terms of beliefs. After all, even the pre-revolutionary researcher S. Svatikov emphasized that "the hegemony of the intelligent commoner was so strong in the students that his appearance overshadowed other types of youth." Therefore, on the diagram, students are represented, on the one hand, as part of the intelligentsia and, accordingly, part of the raznochintsy, and on the other hand, as part of the educated population, i.e. holders of higher education loyal to the government.
4. The origins of the student body (XVIII- StartXIXcentury)
Chosen chronological framework of this work is the middle of the 19th - the beginning of the 20th century (1860-1904), therefore, we can speak of the time preceding this period as the origins of students. On the basis of historiography, we will show how students were understood in the era of its inception, and look at the evolution within this process, so that later, when analyzing students of the period we have chosen, it would be possible to trace the causes and evolution of certain ideas of students and its perception by society, the authorities and the students themselves of the Moscow university.
Let us first follow the quantitative changes in the number of students.
Table 5. Changes in the number of students in Russia (1808–1894)
| Year | Number of students, pers. |
| 1808 | 150 |
| 1830 | 1996 |
| 1850 | 3368 |
| 1860 | 5453 |
| 1865 | 5453 |
| 1872 | 7251 |
| 1894 | 8193 |
Table 6. Changes in the number of students at Moscow and St. Petersburg Universities (1850–1894)
| Year/University | 1850 | 1880 | 1885 | 1890 | 1894 |
| Moscow | 821 | 1881 | 3179 | 3492 | 3761 |
| Petersburg | 387 | 1675 | 2340 | 1815 | 2676 |
What are the changes in the number of students in Russia? From 1808 to 1894, the number of students increased from 150 to 8193 people, i.e. 55 times. The number of students also increased at Moscow University: from 1850 to 1894, the number of students increased 4.5 times (from 821 to 3761 people).
Let us divide the time of the origins into two periods - the 18th century and the beginning of the 19th century - and consider them sequentially.
The 18th century is presented in historiography as follows. One of the pre-revolutionary researchers of the student movement emphasizes at this time the fact that “university education, accessible only to one nobility, did not open especially tempting prospects for the students, because. the conditions of the serf regime hindered any cultural undertaking.
Modern authors narrate in detail about the time of the birth of Russian universities. In the book “Higher Education in Russia. Outline of history until 1917" it is reported that "all types and types of higher educational institutions were created at the initiative of the state and at the expense of the state" , and therefore "the state hampered any manifestation of public goals if they did not pursue pragmatic tasks" . V.A. Zmeev notes that “universities began to really influence changes in the social class composition of the population of St. clothes."
In relation to the beginning of the 19th century, the collection "Higher Education in Russia ..." characterizes changes in government policy in the field of education as follows. “Autonomy and authoritarianism were changing; Recognition of intrinsic value for higher education was given with difficulty both in the sphere of government and in a slowly evolving society.
A.M. Annenkov dwells in detail on the characteristics of the students of this period. He writes that “at the beginning of the 19th century. young people who entered the university saw it as the main means for realizing their abilities and desires ", noting that" most of the students studied willingly and seriously "," however, with all the "thirst for knowledge", the general educational level of students remained low due to the rather low qualifications teaching staff and imperfect forms of education". Speaking about the life of pupils of Moscow University, he reports that students read willingly and a lot, and "books and magazines banned by official censorship were especially popular", the theater was also a form of leisure. “As a distinctive feature in the student environment of the first third of the 19th century. freedom of opinion and speech can be singled out,” the researcher concludes. The theme of student life is continued by N.V. Makarov, emphasizing that "students of Moscow University were distinguished by frequent visits to taverns, of which Moscow had enough" . In addition to the theater, in her opinion, “a characteristic feature of student life in the first half of the 19th century was student “gatherings”. Young people gathered informally, discussed university life, professors, and various issues of Russian life. At these "gatherings" there were occasional drinking bouts. In general, “students of the first universities were not distinguished by good manners,” the researcher concludes. E. Vishlenkov, R. Galiullina and K. Ilyin complete the characterization of the students of the early 19th century. They emphasize the fact that "in the 1830s, the Russian student acquired clear identification marks", became more educated and older.
Notes
1. Frommet b. Essay on the history of students in Russia. SPb., 1912. S. 27.
2. Svatikov S. Students before and now // Way of students. Sat. articles. Private collection of proceeds to the fund of the Moscow student house. M., 1916. S. 1–19 (hereinafter: Svatikov S. Students before and now...).
3. Wirtshafter E.K. social structures: Raznochintsy in the Russian Empire. Per. from English. T.P. Party. Ed. A.B. Kamensky. M.: Logos, 2002 (hereinafter: Wirtshafter E.K. ).
4. Leikina-Svirskaya V.R. Intelligentsia in Russia in the second half of the 19th century. Moscow. 1971. S. 25 (further: Leikina-Svirskaya V.R. Intelligentsia in Russia in the second half of the 19th century ...).
5. Stafeev S.G. Russian intelligentsia and its role in the social movement (second half of the 19th century) // Person, culture, society: interuniversity. Sat. scientific tr. / Editorial staff: N.V. Dulin (responsible editor) and others / VolgGTU. Volgograd, 2005. Issue. 2. P. 67–76. (Further: Stafeev S.G. The Russian intelligentsia and its role in the social movement (second half of the 19th century) ...).
6. Bocharov V.V. Intelligentsia and violence: socio-anthropological aspect // Anthropology of violence. RAN. Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology. Miklouho-Maclay. Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography. Peter the Great (Kunstkamera). St. Petersburg State University. Rep. Ed. V.V. Bocharov, V.A. Tishkov. St. Petersburg: Nauka, 2001, pp. 39–85 (hereinafter: Bocharov V.V. Intelligentsia and Violence: A Socio-Anthropological Aspect…).
7. Shcherbakova E.I. Raznochinskaya intelligentsia of the 60s of the XIX century as a potential opponent of political detectives // Historical readings on the Lubyanka. Russian special services at the turn of the era: the end of the 19th century - 1922. Moscow, Veliky Novgorod, 1999, pp. 48–55 (hereinafter: Shcherbakova E.I. Raznochinskaya intelligentsia of the 60s of the XIX century as a potential opponent of political detective agencies ...).
8. Sukhotina L.G. Russian intelligentsia and social thought. Publishing House of Tomsk University, 2008 (hereinafter: Sukhotina L.G. ).
9. Ibid. S. 14.
10. Sokolov K.B. Russian intelligentsia of the 18th - early 20th centuries: a picture of the world and everyday life. SPb., 2007 (hereinafter: Sokolov K.B. ).
11. Bocharov V.V. Intelligentsia and Violence: A Socio-Anthropological Aspect…
12. Kolonitsky B.I. Intelligentsia in the late 19th - early 20th century: contemporaries' self-awareness and research approaches // From the history of the Russian intelligentsia. Collection of materials and articles dedicated to the 100th anniversary of the birth of V.R. Leikina-Svirskaya. SPb., 2003. S. 181–201 (hereinafter: Kolonitsky B.I. Intelligentsia in the late 19th - early 20th century: contemporaries' self-awareness and research approaches...).
13. Zhivov V. Marginal culture in Russia and the birth of the intelligentsia. // New literary review. 1999. No. 37 (hereinafter: Zhivov V. Marginal Culture in Russia and the Birth of the Intelligentsia…).
14. Leikina-Svirskaya V.R. The intelligentsia in Russia in the second half of the 19th century ...
15. History of Moscow University. Volume I. Rep. ed. M.N. Tikhomirov. M., 1955.
16. Maslin A.N. Materialism and revolutionary-democratic ideology in Russia in the 60s of the XIX century. M., 1960.
17. Struve P.B. Intelligentsia and revolution (1909) // Russian sources of modern social philosophy. Intelligentsia. Power. People. M., 1993. S. 190–204 (hereinafter: Struve P.B. Intelligentsia and revolution ...).
18. Ilyin I.A. On the Russian intelligentsia (1927) // Russian sources of modern social philosophy. Intelligentsia. Power. People. M., 1993. S. 275–281 (hereinafter: Ilyin I.A. About the Russian intelligentsia ...).
19. Novgorodtsev P.I. On the Ways and Tasks of the Russian Intelligentsia (1918) // Russian Sources of Modern Social Philosophy. Intelligentsia. Power. People. M., 1993. S. 225–241 (hereinafter: Novgorodtsev P.I. About the ways and tasks of the Russian intelligentsia ...).
20. Shcherbakova E.I. Ethics of revolutionary action (60s of the 19th century). Abstract for the degree of candidate of historical sciences. M., 1996 (hereinafter: Shcherbakova E.I. Ethics of revolutionary action (60s of the XIX century) ...).
21. Wirtshafter E.K. Social Structures: Raznochintsy in the Russian Empire…
22. Usmanov S.M. Hopeless dreams. Russian intelligentsia between East and West in the second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries. Ivanovo, 1998 (further: Usmanov S.M. Hopeless dreams. Russian intelligentsia between East and West in the second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries ...).
23. Sukhotina L.G. Russian intelligentsia and social thought ...
24. Sokolov K.B. Russian intelligentsia of the 18th - early 20th centuries: a picture of the world and everyday life ...
25. Zhivov V. Marginal culture in Russia and the birth of the intelligentsia ... S. 39.
26. Struve P.B.
27. Shcherbakova E.I.
28. Novgorodtsev P.I. About the ways and tasks of the Russian intelligentsia ... S. 237.
29. Struve P.B. Intelligentsia and revolution ... S. 192.
30. Ilyin I.A. About the Russian intelligentsia ... S. 277.
31. Wirtshafter E.K. Social Structures: Raznochintsy in the Russian Empire…
32. Sukhotina L.G. Russian intelligentsia and social thought ... S. 14.
33. Shcherbakova E.I. Ethics of revolutionary action (60s of the XIX century) ... S. 53.
34. Usmanov S.M. Hopeless dreams. Russian intelligentsia between East and West in the second half of the 19th - early 20th century ... S. 5.
35. Ilyin I.A. About the Russian intelligentsia...
36. Sukhotina L.G. Russian intelligentsia and social thought ...
37. Shcherbakova E.I. Ethics of revolutionary action (60s of the XIX century) ... S. 53.
38. Schwartz E.L. Ordinary miracle: plays, fairy tales. Moscow: Eksmo. 2011, pp. 559–560.
39. Sokolov K.B. Russian intelligentsia of the 18th - early 20th centuries: a picture of the world and everyday life ... S. 38.
40. Ibid. S. 39.
41. Dahl V. Explanatory dictionary of the living Great Russian language. M., 1956. T. IV. Explanatory Dictionary of the Living Great Russian Language by Vladimir Dahl. Second edition, corrected and greatly enlarged from the author's manuscript. Volume four. SPb., M., 1882. S. 347.
42. Feofanov A.M. Students of Moscow University II half of XVIII- the first quarter of the XIX century. Abstract for the degree of candidate of historical sciences. M., 2006 (hereinafter: Feofanov A.M. Students of Moscow University in the second half of the 18th - first quarter of the 19th centuries ...).
43. Frommet b. Essay on the history of students in Russia ... S. 1.
44. Sliozberg G.B. Pre-revolutionary Russian students // In memory of Russian students. Paris, 1934, pp. 82–95 (further: Sliozberg G.B. Pre-revolutionary Russian students ...).
45. Ponomareva V.V., Khoroshilova L.B. University Noble boarding house. 1779–1830 Moscow: New Chronograph, 2006, p. 63.
46. Census of Moscow in 1882. Issue. II. Population and Occupations. M .: City Printing House, 1885 (hereinafter: Census of Moscow in 1882. Issue II. Population and Occupations ...).
47. Ibid. S. 77.
48. Ibid. S. 77.
49. Census of Moscow in 1902. Part I. Population. Issue. 1. Population by sex, age, field, length of stay in Moscow, marital status, estates, literacy and degree of education. Publication of the Statistical Department of the Moscow City Council. M., 1904 (hereinafter: Census of Moscow in 1902. Part I. Population. Issue 1. Population by sex, age, field, length of stay in Moscow, marital status, estates, literacy and degree of education ...).
50. Ibid. S. 38.
51. Ibid. S. 106.
52. Sliozberg G.B. Pre-revolutionary Russian students ... S. 82.
53. KassowS.D. Students, Professors and State in the Tsarist Russia. L.: University of California Press, 1989. P. 54 (hereinafter: Kassow S.D. Students, Professors and State in the Tsarist Russia…).
54. Ibid. pp. 48–49.
55. Annenkov A.M. Russian students in the first third of the 19th century in the memoirs of contemporaries // Culture of historical memory. Proceedings of the scientific conference (September 19–22, 2011). Petrozavodsk, 2002, pp. 106–113. S. 112 (further: Annenkov A.M. Russian students in the first third of the 19th century in the memoirs of contemporaries...).
56. Sliozberg G.B.
57. Leikina-Svirskaya V.R.
58. Ivanov A.E. Student corporation of Russia in the late 19th - early 20th century: experience of cultural and political self-organization. M., 2004. S. 288 (hereinafter: Ivanov A.E. Student corporation of Russia in the late XIX - early XX century: the experience of cultural and political self-organization ...).
59. Bagdasaryan V.E. Motives for deviant behavior of students in the late 19th - early 20th century. // Russian students: conditions of life and life (XVIII-XXI centuries). All-Russian scientific conference. Collections of scientific articles. M., 2004. S. 83 (hereinafter: Bagdasaryan V.E. Motives for deviant behavior of students in the late 19th - early 20th century. // Russian students: conditions of life and life (XVIII-XXI centuries) ...).
60. From the notes of Professor N.P. Bogolepov. A page from the life of Moscow University. M., 1911. P. 55 (further: From the notes of Professor N.P. Bogolepov. A page from the life of Moscow University ...).
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66. KassowS.D. Students, Professors and State in the Tsarist Russia… P. 22.
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75. KassowS.D. Students, Professors and State in the Tsarist Russia… P. 52.
76. Annenkov A.M.
77. Sliozberg G.B. Pre-revolutionary Russian students ... S. 94.
78. Leikina-Svirskaya V.R. The intelligentsia in Russia in the second half of the 19th century ... S. 27.
79. Ivanov A.E. University policy of autocracy on the eve of the first Russian revolution of 1899–1904. Abstract for the degree of candidate of historical sciences. M., 1975. S. 14 (hereinafter: Ivanov A.E. University policy of autocracy on the eve of the first Russian revolution of 1899–1904…).
80. Georgieva N.G. IN AND. Lenin on the place of students in the bourgeois-democratic revolution // Intelligentsia and revolution. XX century. Rep. ed. d.h.s. K.V. Gusev. M., 1985. S. 90 (hereinafter: Georgieva N.G. IN AND. Lenin on the place of students in the bourgeois-democratic revolution ...).
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84. Svatikov S. Students before and now ... S. 15.
85. Leikina-Svirskaya V.R. The intelligentsia in Russia in the second half of the 19th century ... S. 27.
86. Ivanov A.E. University policy of autocracy on the eve of the first Russian revolution of 1899–1904… P. 13; Ivanov A.E. Russian university students on the eve of the first Russian revolution. Socio-political appearance ... S. 113.
87. Georgieva N.G. IN AND. Lenin on the place of students in the bourgeois-democratic revolution ... S. 91.
88. Melgunov C. Student organizations in the 80s–90s at Moscow University (according to archival data) ... S. 103.
89. Frommet b. Essay on the history of students in Russia ... S. 58.
90. KassowS.D. Students, Professors and State in the Tsarist Russia… P. 399.
91. Margolis Yu.D. Student censuses in Russia 1872-1912 ... S. 658.
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96. Vakhterova O.A. Students and authorities in Russia in the second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries // Power and Society. Interuniversity collection of scientific papers. SPb., 2000. S. 60.
97. Grishunin P.V. Students of metropolitan universities: structures of everyday life. 1820–1880s… S. 17.
98. Zimin I.V. Student uniform and badges in Russia in the 19th - early 20th centuries // Facts and Versions. Historical and cultural almanac. Book. IV. Methodology. Symbolism. Semantics. SPb., 2005. P. 112 (hereinafter: Zimin I.V. Student uniform and badges in Russia in the 19th - early 20th century...).
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100. Mitskevich S.I. Notes of a public doctor. 1888–1918 M.-L., 1941. S. 7.
101. Sliozberg G.B. Pre-revolutionary Russian students ... S. 83.
102. KassowS.D. Students, Professors and State in the Tsarist Russia… P. 403.
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104. Vydrin R. The main points of the student movement in Russia ... S. 14.
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108. KassowS.D. Students, Professors and State in the Tsarist Russia… P. 196.
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110. Annenkov A.M. Russian students in the first third of the 19th century in the memoirs of contemporaries ... S. 112.
111. Sliozberg G.B. Pre-revolutionary Russian students ... S. 84.
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132. Report of the judicial commission for 1893/1894 ... S. 131.
133. Zavadsky N.G. Students and political parties in 1901-1914 ... S. 161.
134. Svatikov S. Students before and now ... S. 15.
135. Sliozberg G.B. Pre-revolutionary Russian students ... S. 94.
136. Saltykov A. Moscow University in 1890–1895… S. 96.
137. Georgieva N.G. IN AND. Lenin on the place of students in the bourgeois-democratic revolution ... S. 90.
138. Shchetinina G.I. Students and the revolutionary movement in Russia. The last quarter of the 19th century ... S. 41.
139. Zavadsky N.G. Students and political parties in 1901–1914… P. 9.
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143. Ivanov A.E. Student Corporation of Russia in the late XIX - early XX century: the experience of cultural and political self-organization ... S. 286.
144. Sokolov K.B. Russian intelligentsia of the 18th - early 20th centuries: a picture of the world and everyday life ...
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