The overthrow of the Tsar in March 1917. Literary and historical notes of a young technician

The February Revolution of 1917 formally began on February 18th. On this day, more than 30 thousand workers of the Putilov plant went on strike. The government responded by immediately closing the Putilov factory. People were unemployed and on February 23 crowds of demonstrators took to the streets of St. Petersburg to protest. By February 25, these unrest developed into a real strike. People opposed the autocracy. The February Revolution of 1917 entered its active phase.

On February 26, the fourth company of the Peter and Paul regiment joined the rebels. Gradually, all the troops of the Peter and Paul regiment joined the ranks of the protesters. Events fluttered rapidly. Nicholas 2 under pressure was forced to abdicate in favor of his brother Mikhail (March 2), who also refused to lead the country.

Provisional government of 1917

On March 1, the creation of the Provisional Government was announced, headed by G.E. Lviv. The provisional government worked, and on March 3 it issued a manifesto with tasks for the development of the country. The February Revolution of 1917 continued with a mass prisoner amnesty. The Provisional Government, wishing to inspire the confidence of the people, announced the imminent end of the war and the transfer of land to the people.

On March 5, the Provisional Government dismissed all the governors and officials who served Emperor Nicholas 2. Instead of provinces and districts, commissariats were created, which resolved issues on the ground.

In April 1917, the Provisional Government experienced a crisis of popular distrust. The reason for this was the statement of the Minister of Foreign Affairs P.N. Milyukov, who said that to the Western countries, that Russia would continue the First World War and would participate in it until the very end. People poured into the streets of Moscow and St. Petersburg, expressing disagreement with the actions of the authorities. As a result, Miliukov was forced to resign. The leaders of the new government decided to recruit the most influential socialists among the people, whose positions were still extremely weak. The new Provisional Government in mid-May issued a statement that it would begin negotiations on concluding peace with Germany, and would immediately begin to resolve the land issue.

In June, there was a new crisis that shook the Provisional Government. The people were dissatisfied with the fact that the war was not over and the land was still under the jurisdiction of the elect. As a result, on June 18, a demonstration, in which about 400 thousand people took part, poured into the streets of Petrograd, chanting the slogans of the Bolsheviks en masse. At the same time, major movements took place in Minsk, Moscow, Nizhny Novgorod, Kharkov and many other cities.

In July, a new wave popular movements embraced Petrograd. This time the people demanded the overthrow of the interim government and the transfer of all power to the Soviets. On July 8, the socialists, who headed individual ministries, issued a decree declaring Russia a republic. G.E. Lvov resigned in protest. Kerensky took his place. On July 28, the creation of a coalition provisional government was announced, which included 7 socialists and 8 cadets. Kerensky headed this government.

On August 23, a representative of the Provisional Government arrived at the headquarters of Commander-in-Chief Kornilov, who handed over Kerensky's receipt to send the 3rd Cavalry Corps to Petrograd, since the Provisional Government was afraid of possible actions by the Bolsheviks. But Kerensky, seeing the troops near Petrograd, feared that Kornilov's troops would want to put their chief in power, and declared Kornilov a traitor, ordering his arrest. It happened on August 27. The general refused to plead guilty and sent troops to Petrograd. The inhabitants of the city stood up to defend the capital. Ultimately, the townspeople managed to resist the onslaught of Kornilov's troops.

The February Revolution of 1917 had such results. Then the Bolsheviks came to the fore, who wanted to completely subjugate power to themselves.

Russian Federation (c) Rulers | Chronology | Expansion Portal "Russia"

Sentries guard the arrested tsarist ministers.

This article is about the events of February 1917 in the history of Russia. For the events of February 1848 in the history of France see February Revolution of 1848

February revolution (also February bourgeois-democratic revolution) - a revolution in the Russian Empire, the result of which was the fall of the monarchy, the proclamation of a republic and the transfer of power to the Provisional Government.

Causes and prerequisites: economic, political, social

The lack of the ability of society to influence the government is the limited capabilities of the State Duma and the lack of government control (and at the same time, limited government powers).

The emperor could no longer decide all issues on his own, but he could radically interfere with the pursuit of a consistent policy while not bearing any responsibility.

Under these conditions, politics could not express the interests of not only the majority, but also any significant part of the population, which caused spontaneous discontent, and restrictions on public expression of protest led to the radicalization of the opposition.

The draft of the composition of the Provisional Government, represented by representatives of the parties "cadets", "octobrists" and a group of members of the State Council. Edited by Emperor Nicholas II.

The February Revolution was not only a consequence of the failures of the Russian government during the First World War. But the war was not the cause of all the contradictions that were then in Russia, the war exposed them and accelerated the fall of tsarism. The war forced the crisis of the autocratic system.

The war struck the system of economic ties - primarily between town and country. The food situation in the country worsened, the decision to introduce "food appropriation" did not correct the situation. Famine began in the country. The highest state power was also discredited by a chain of scandals around Rasputin and his entourage, who were then called "dark forces." By 1916, indignation at the Rasputinism had already reached the Russian armed forces - both officers and lower ranks. The tsar's fatal mistakes, combined with a loss of confidence in royal power, led her to political isolation, and the presence of active opposition created fertile ground for a political revolution.

On the eve of the February Revolution in Russia, against the background of an acute food crisis, the political crisis is deepening. For the first time, the State Duma made demands for the resignation of the tsarist government, this demand was supported by the State Council.

The political crisis was growing. November 1, 1916 at a meeting State Duma P. N. Milyukov made a speech. "Stupidity or treason?" - with this question PN Milyukov characterized the phenomenon of Rasputinism on November 1, 1916 at a meeting of the State Duma.

The State Duma's demand for the resignation of the tsarist government and the creation of a "responsible government" - responsible to the Duma, led to the resignation of Prime Minister Sturmer on November 10 and the appointment of a consistent monarchist, General Trepov. The State Duma, trying to defuse discontent in the country, continued to insist on the creation of a "responsible government" and the State Council joins its demands. Nicholas II on December 16 sends the State Duma and the State Council to Christmas holidays until January 3.

Growing crisis

Barricades on Liteiny Prospect. Postcard from the State Museum of Political History of Russia

On the night of December 17, Rasputin was killed as a result of a conspiracy of the monarchists, but this did not resolve the political crisis. On December 27, Nicholas II dismissed Trepov and appointed Prince Golitsyn as chairman of the Council of Ministers. During the transfer of cases, he received from Trepov two decrees signed by the tsar on the dissolution of the State Duma and the State Council with unsigned dates. Golitsyn had to find a compromise and resolve the political crisis through behind-the-scenes negotiations with the leaders of the State Duma.

In total, in Russia in January-February 1917, only at enterprises subordinate to the supervision of the factory inspection, 676 thousand people went on strike, of which participants political strikes in January were 60%, and in February - 95%).

State Duma sessions were opened on February 14. They showed that events in Russia were getting out of the control of the authorities, the State Duma abandoned the demand for a "responsible government" and limited itself to agreeing to create a "government of trust" by the tsar - a government that the State Duma could trust, the Duma members were in complete confusion.

Subsequent events showed that in Russian society there are more powerful forceswho did not want to resolve the political crisis, and deeper reasons for the democratic revolution and the transition from monarchy to republic.

Difficulties in supplying the city with bread rumors about the imminent introduction of ration cards for bread led to the disappearance of bread. Long queues lined up at the bakeries - "tails", as they said then.

February 18 (on Saturday at the Putilov plant - the largest artillery plant in the country and Petrograd, which employed 36 thousand workers - workers of the carriage and stamping workshop (shop) went on strike, who demanded a salary increase by 50%. February 20 (Monday) Administration the plant agreed to increase wages by 20% on condition of “immediately start work.” The delegates of the workers asked the Administration for consent to start work from the next day. The administration did not agree and closed the carriage-stamping “workshop.” In support of the strikers on February 21, they began to stop work and other shops. On February 22, the plant's administration issued an order to dismiss all workers of the carriage-stamping "workshop" and to close the plant for an indefinite period - announced a lockout.

As a result, 36 thousand workers of the Putilov plant found themselves in war conditions without work and without armor from the front.

On February 22, Nicholas II leaves Petrograd for Mogilev to the Headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief.

The main events

On February 24, demonstrations and meetings of the Putilov workers resumed. Workers from other factories began to join them. 90 thousand workers went on strike. Strikes and political actions began to develop into a general political demonstration against tsarism.

Announcement of the Commander of the Petrograd Military District S. S. Khabalov on the use of weapons to disperse demonstrations. February 25, 1917

On February 25, a general strike began, which involved 240,000 workers. Petrograd was declared a state of siege, by decree of Nicholas II the meetings of the State Duma and the State Council were suspended until April 1, 1917. Nicholas II ordered the army to suppress the workers' demonstrations in Petrograd
On February 26, the columns of demonstrators moved towards the city center. Troops were brought into the streets, but the soldiers began to refuse to shoot the workers. There were several clashes with the police, and by evening the police cleared the city center of demonstrators.
On February 27 (March 12), early in the morning, an armed uprising of the soldiers of the Petrograd garrison began - a training team of the reserve battalion of the Volyn regiment, consisting of 600 people, rebelled. The soldiers decided not to shoot at the demonstrators and to join the workers. The team leader was killed. The Volyn regiment was joined by the Lithuanian and Preobrazhensky regiments. As a result, the general strike of the workers was supported by an armed uprising of the soldiers. (On the morning of February 27, the insurgent soldiers numbered 10 thousand, in the afternoon - 26 thousand, in the evening - 66 thousand, the next day - 127 thousand, on March 1 - 170 thousand, that is the whole garrison Petrograd.) The insurgent soldiers marched in formation to the city center. On the way, the Arsenal was captured - the Petrograd artillery warehouse. The workers got their hands on 40 thousand rifles and 30 thousand revolvers. The city prison "Kresty" was captured, all prisoners were released. Political prisoners, including the "Gvozdyov group", joined the insurgents and led the column. The City Court was burned. The insurgent soldiers and workers occupied the most important points of the city, government buildings and arrested the ministers. By about 14 o'clock, thousands of soldiers came to the Tauride Palace, where the State Duma sat and occupied all its corridors and adjacent territory. They had no way back, they needed political leadership.

The Duma faced a choice either to join the uprising and try to seize the movement, or perish along with tsarism. Under these conditions, the State Duma decided to formally obey the Tsar's decree on the dissolution of the Duma, but by the decision of a private meeting of deputies, at about 5 pm, the Provisional Committee of the State Duma was created under the chairmanship of the Octobrist M. Rodzianko by co-opting 2 deputies from each faction. On the night of February 28, the Provisional Committee announced that it was taking power into its own hands.

After the insurgent soldiers came to the Tavrichesky Palace, deputies of the left factions of the State Duma and representatives of trade unions created the Provisional Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' Deputies in the Tavrichesky Palace. He distributed leaflets to factories and soldiers' units with an appeal to elect their deputies and send them to the Tavrichesky Palace by 7 pm, 1 deputy from every thousand workers and from every company. At 21 o'clock in the left wing of the Tauride Palace meetings of workers 'deputies opened and the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' Deputies was created, headed by the Menshevik Chkheidze and Deputy Chairman of the Executive Committee Trudovik AF Kerensky. The Petrograd Soviet included representatives of the socialist parties (Mensheviks, Socialist-Revolutionaries and Bolsheviks), trade unions and non-party workers and soldiers. The decisive role in the Soviet was played by the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries. The Petrograd Soviet of Workers' Deputies decided to support the Provisional Committee of the State Duma in creating the Provisional Government, but not to participate in it.
February 28 (March 13) - Chairman of the Provisional Committee Rodzianko is negotiating with the Chief of Staff of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, General Alekseev, about the support of the Provisional Committee from the army, and also negotiating with Nicholas II, in order to prevent revolution and overthrow the monarchy.

Order number 1 disintegrated the Russian army, eliminated the main components of any army at all times - the most severe hierarchy and discipline.

The Provisional Committee formed a Provisional Government headed by Prince Lvov, who was replaced by the socialist Kerensky. The Provisional Government announced the elections to the Constituent Assembly. The Soviet of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies was elected. A dual power was established in the country.

Development of the revolution in Petrograd after the overthrow of the monarchy:

March 3 (16) - the killing of officers began in Helsingfors, among whom were Rear Admiral A.K. Nebolsin, Vice Admiral A.I. Nepenin.
March 4 (17) - two manifestos were published in the newspapers - the Manifesto on the abdication of Nicholas II and the Manifesto on the abdication of Mikhail Alexandrovich, as well as the Political Program of the 1st Provisional Government.

Effects

The fall of the autocracy and the establishment of dual power

The originality of the revolution was the establishment of dual power in the country:

bourgeois democratic power was represented by the Provisional Government, its local bodies (public security committees), local self-government (city and zemstvo), the government included representatives of the parties of the Cadets and Octobrists;

revolutionary democratic power - Soviets of workers ', soldiers', peasants 'deputies, soldiers' committees in the army and navy.

The negative results of the fall of the autocracy

The main negative results of the overthrow of the Autocracy by the February Revolution in Russia can be considered:

The transition from the evolutionary development of society to development along a revolutionary path, which inevitably led to an increase in the number of violent crimes against the person and infringement of property rights in society.
Significant weakening of the army (as a result of revolutionary agitation in the army and Order number 1), the fall of its combat effectiveness and, as a consequence, its ineffective further struggle on the fronts of the First World War.
Destabilization of society, which led to a deep split in the existing civil society in Russia. As a result, there was a sharp increase in class contradictions in society, the growth of which during 1917 led to the transfer of power into the hands of radical forces, which ultimately led to the Civil War in Russia.

The positive results of the fall of the autocracy

The main positive result of the overthrow of the Autocracy by the February Revolution in Russia can be considered a short-term consolidation of society due to the adoption of a number of democratic legislative acts and a real chance for society on the basis of this consolidation to resolve many long-standing contradictions of the country's social development. However, as subsequent events, which ultimately led to a bloody civil war, showed, the country's leaders, who came to power as a result of the February revolution, could not take advantage of these real, albeit extremely small (taking into account the fact that Russia was at that moment in a state of war) chances on this.

Change of political regime

The old state bodies were abolished. The most democratic law on elections to the Constituent Assembly was adopted: universal, equal, direct by secret ballot. On October 6, 1917, by its resolution, the Provisional Government dissolved the State Duma in connection with the proclamation of Russia as a republic and the beginning of elections to the All-Russian Constituent Assembly.
The State Council of the Russian Empire was dissolved.
The Provisional Government formed an Extraordinary Commission of Inquiry to investigate the malfeasance of the tsarist ministers and high officials.
On March 12, a decree was issued abolishing the death penalty, which was replaced by 15-year hard labor in especially serious criminal cases.
On March 18, an amnesty was announced for those convicted for criminal reasons. 15 thousand prisoners were released from places of detention. This caused a surge in crime in the country.
On March 18-20, a series of decrees and orders was issued to abolish religious and national restrictions.
Restrictions on the choice of residence and property rights were abolished, complete freedom of occupation was proclaimed, women were given equal rights with men.
The Ministry of the Imperial Court was gradually liquidated. The property of the former imperial house, members of the royal family - palaces with artistic values, industrial enterprises, lands, etc. in March-April 1917 became the property of the state.

Resolution "On the establishment of the police". Already on February 28, the police was abolished and a people's militia was formed. 40 thousand people of the people's militia guarded enterprises and city blocks instead of 6 thousand policemen. Detachments of the people's militia were created in other cities as well. Subsequently, along with the people's militia, combat workers' squads (Red Guard) also appeared. According to the adopted resolution, uniformity was introduced into the already created detachments of the workers' militia, the limits of their competence were established.
Decree "On Assemblies and Unions". All citizens could form unions and hold meetings without restrictions. There were no political motives for closing the unions; only a court could close the union.
Decree on amnesty for all persons convicted for political reasons.
The Separate Corps of Gendarmes was abolished, including the railway police and security departments, and special civil courts (March 4).

Trade union movement

On April 12, the law on assemblies and unions was passed. The workers restored democratic organizations that were banned during the war (trade unions, factory committees). By the end of 1917, there were more than 2,000 trade unions in the country, headed by the All-Russian Central Council of Trade Unions (chaired by the Menshevik V.P. Grinevich).

Changes in the system of local government

On March 4, 1917, a decree was adopted to remove all governors and vice-governors from office. In the provinces where the Zemstvo worked, the governors were replaced by the chairmen of the provincial zemstvo councils, where there were no zemstvos, the places remained unoccupied, which paralyzed the local government system.

Preparation for elections to the Constituent Assembly

Immediately after the February Revolution, preparations began for the elections to the constituent assembly. The most democratic law on elections to the Constituent Assembly was adopted: universal, equal, direct by secret ballot. Preparations for the elections dragged on until the end of 1917.

Power crisis

The inability of the Provisional Government to overcome the crisis caused an increase in revolutionary fermentation: mass demonstrations took place on April 18 (May 1), in July 1917 the July uprising of 1917 - the period of peaceful development ended. Power passed to the Provisional Government. The dual power ended. The death penalty was introduced. The failure of the August speech of the Commander-in-Chief of the Russian Army, General of Infantry L.G. Kornilov, became prelude to Bolshevism, since the elections to the Soviets that followed shortly after AF Kerensky's victory in his confrontation with L.G. Kornilov brought victory to the Bolsheviks, which changed their composition and their policy.

Church and revolution

Already on March 7-8, 1917, the Holy Synod issued a ruling, by which all the clergy of the Russian Orthodox Church were instructed: in all cases, during services, instead of commemorating the reigning house, to offer a prayer for the God-protected Russian State and its Blessed Provisional Government .

Symbol

The symbol of the February Revolution was a red bow, red banners. The former government was declared "tsarism" and "the old regime". The word "comrade" was included in the speech.

Notes

Bibliography

Archive of the Russian Revolution (edited by G.V. Gessen). M., Terra, 1991. In 12 volumes.
Pipes R. Russian Revolution. M., 1994.
Katkov G. Russia, 1917. The February Revolution. London, 1967.
Moorhead A. The Russian Revolution. New York, 1958.
Dyakin V. S. ABOUT ONE UNSUCCESSFUL ATTEMPT OF TSARISM "TO SOLVE" THE LAND QUESTION IN THE YEARS OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR (The goals and nature of the so-called liquidation of German land ownership in Russia)

Photos and documents

Soldiers' demonstration in the February days.

Demonstration of soldiers demanding imprisonment for the Bloody Nicholas. March 1917

Arrest and escort of disguised policemen. February 1917.

The myth that "the Bolsheviks overthrew the tsar" is very ineptly cut. We owe its appearance to the post-Soviet regression. Only a very uncultured person can broadcast such a blatant lie. The fact that the Bolsheviks overthrew the tsar is not said in even the most forged document.

Nevertheless, the myth of the "Bolsheviks who overthrew the tsar" is common today. Politicians and the media are constantly hammering him into consciousness on the "as you know" principle.

So, for example, on April 22, 2015 in "Komsomolskaya Pravda" there was an interview with the writer and historian A. L. Myasnikov, entitled: "Writer Alexander Myasnikov: Lenin overthrew the tsar with German money, and the Decembrists - with British money." True, in the interview itself it was never said exactly how Lenin "overthrew the tsar."

And on January 28, 2016, V. Zhirinovsky in Vladimir Solovyov's program "Duel" indiscriminately accused Lenin of the collapse of the tsarist empire: "Today is a joyful day. Together with millions of our citizens, we will give the most negative assessment of all the activities of Lenin, Stalin, the Bolshevik Party for the defeat of two great states - Tsarist and Soviet Russia».

In fairness, it must be stipulated that one of the prerequisites for the emergence of the myth of the overthrow of the tsar by the Bolsheviks was the exaggeration of the role of the latter in the February Revolution by the Soviet officialdom. The general vague idea of \u200b\u200bthe importance of the role of the Bolsheviks in the revolutionary events of 1917, inherited from the Soviet era, coupled with the general post-Soviet illiteracy, gave rise to the myth of the overthrow of the tsar by the Bolsheviks.

Let us consider what the Bolshevik party was like on the eve and at the beginning of the revolution and who and how actually overthrew the tsar.

Bolsheviks
and the February revolution

The February revolution began on February 23 in Petrograd with protest actions by workers and soldiers. Anti-war rallies, grain riots and strikes grew into an armed uprising.

Of course, the Bolsheviks did not have the slightest piety for the monarchy. Of course, the insurgent workers and soldiers rose up, also thanks to the previous agitation of the Bolsheviks, as well as members of other parties. However, the Socialist-Revolutionaries had much greater authority in the troops. And the number of the Bolshevik Party was small.

After the February Revolution, about 23,600 Bolsheviks... However, many members of the RSDLP (b) at the time of the revolution were in prisons and exile. For comparison, the Black Hundreds in 1916 were 45 000 .

The Bolsheviks did not become the organizing force of the February Revolution. At the time of its beginning, the key persons of the Bolshevik Party were not in Petrograd. Lenin was in exile in Switzerland. Trotsky is in America. Stalin, Kamenev, Sverdlov, Ordzhonikidze and several other leading Bolshevik leaders were scattered around the links.

The Russian Bureau of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b), headed by A. Shlyapnikov, V. Molotov and P. Zalutsky, operated in Petrograd. The task of leading the insurgent masses was clearly beyond their powers.

Learning about the revolution from Swiss newspapers, Lenin wrote: "One can only judge the state of affairs with great caution."... The head of the RSDLP (b) noted that the Provisional Government "seized power in St. Petersburg", snatching it from the hands of the workers.

Trotsky later said that about the Bolsheviks "Few people knew at the beginning of the year"... That they were not preparing for the revolution; moreover, they kept the workers from striking. And here is how Trotsky characterized the actions of the party at the beginning of the revolution: “The central Bolshevik headquarters, which consisted of Shlyapnikov, Zalutsky and Molotov, amazes with its helplessness and lack of initiative. In fact, the districts and barracks were left to their own devices ".

Bolshevik Vasily Kayurov gave a similar assessment of the actions of the Russian Bureau:
“... The leading principles from the party centers were not felt at all. P [metrogradsky] K [party committee] was arrested, and the representative of the Central Committee, Comrade. It was difficult to find Shlyapnikov and receive the directives of tomorrow.<...> The further course of the revolution must be subordinated to our influence, but we could not do this with a very limited number of workers' leaders ".

In the newly formed Soviets, the influence of the Bolsheviks was also very insignificant. Lenin wrote in the April Theses: "In the majority of Soviets of Workers' Deputies, our party is in a minority, and so far in a weak minority ..." Trotsky gave the same assessment: “Bolshevism at that time was still only bubbling dully in the depths of the revolution. The official Bolsheviks, even in the Petrograd Soviet, represented an insignificant minority, which, moreover, did not clearly define their tasks. " The leading role in most Soviets from February to July-August was played by the Socialist-Revolutionaries with the Mensheviks.

Note that at the same time, the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks also did not expect the imminent arrival of the revolution. So, the Socialist-Revolutionary Sergei Maslovsky-Mstislavsky said: "The revolution found us, the then party people, as the evangelical foolish virgins, sleeping"... And the Menshevik Nikolai Sukhanov (Himmer) noted: "Not a single party was preparing for a coup ... What began in St. Petersburg on February 23, almost no one took for the beginning of the revolution."... At the same time, both the Socialist-Revolutionaries and the Mensheviks were inspired by February, and, unlike the Bolsheviks, reacted more kindly to the Provisional Government that had come to power.

Having stipulated the very weak participation of the Bolsheviks in the revolutionary events that had begun, let us go back in time a few times in order to see when and in what environment the plans to overthrow the tsar were born.

"Grand Ducal Fronde"

Due to the unsuccessful course of the war, mediocre domestic policy and especially because of Rasputin, by the end of 1916, almost all political and social forces were opposed to Nicholas II.

Fifteen grand dukes of the Romanov dynasty also rose up in opposition, forming the so-called grand-ducal front. The main demands of the Fronde were to remove Rasputin, the "German Queen" Alexandra Feodorovna, and the Germans in general from the government, as well as the introduction of a "responsible ministry" - that is, a government responsible to parliament. Interestingly, the idea of \u200b\u200ba responsible ministry would later become the general idea of \u200b\u200bthe conspirators. The grand dukes justified the need to overthrow the tsar by the interests of "saving the monarchy."

The informal head of the Fronde was Grand Duke Nikolai Mikhailovich Romanov, nicknamed Philippe Egalite for the radicalism of his views - by analogy with the French prince from the House of Bourbons Louis Philippe Joseph, who renounced his family and took the civil name Egalite (Equality). On November 1, 1916, Nikolai Mikhailovich sent a letter to Nicholas II, which said: “It is unthinkable to govern Russia in this way ... You believe Alexandra Fyodorovna. This is understandable. But what comes from her mouth is the result of clever fraudulent manipulations, and not the real truth ... If you managed to eliminate this constant intrusion into all the affairs of dark forces, the revival of Russia would immediately begin ... "

On November 7, 1916, a similar letter was written to Nicholas II by his uncle Nikolai Nikolaevich. On November 11, Grand Duke Georgy Mikhailovich and the brother of Nicholas II, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, write about the same tsar. Mikhail at this time also publicly declares that "Sympathizes with the English order", that is, parliamentarism. On November 15, a similar letter is written by the Grand Duke Mikhail Mikhailovich.

On November 28, even the Tsar's mother, the Empress Dowager Maria Feodorovna, joined the opposition, demanding that her son resign from the post of Prime Minister of the German Sturmer, who was considered Rasputin's creature.

It got to the point that on December 2, Grand Duke Pavel Alexandrovich demanded a meeting with the emperor. At a meeting held on December 3, he announced on behalf of the family council the need to adopt a constitution and remove Rasputin and Sturmer from the court. To which the king, as expected, refused.

On December 16, 1916, the murder of Rasputin takes place, in which Grand Duke Dmitry Pavlovich participates. After that, the “grand-ducal front” became even more active.

Thus, the leader of the “Octobrist” party, MV Rodzianko, recalled that the Grand Duchess Maria Pavlovna, on one of the nights that followed the murder of Rasputin, summoning him to an urgent conversation, suggested eliminating Alexandra Feodorovna as the main culprit of all troubles: “The Grand Duchess began to talk about the current internal situation, about the mediocrity of the government, about [the Minister of Internal Affairs] Protopopov and about the Empress. At the mention of her name, she became more worried, found her influence and interference in all affairs harmful, said that she was ruining the country, that thanks to her, a threat was created to the king and the entire royal family, that such a situation could not be tolerated any longer, that it was necessary change, eliminate, destroy (hereinafter, it is highlighted by us - Auth.) ... "

On December 22, 1916, French ambassador Maurice Palaiologue writes in his diary: “In the evening I learned that the Romanov family has great anxiety and excitement.

Several grand dukes, among whom I am named three sons of Grand Duchess Maria Pavlovna: Cyril, Boris and Andrei, speak no more, no less, how to save tsarism through a palace coup. With the help of four guards regiments, whose loyalty has already been shaken, they will move at night to Tsarskoe Selo; capture the king and queen; the emperor will be proved the need to abdicate; the empress will be imprisoned in a monastery; then heir Alexei will be declared tsar under the regency of Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich.

The initiators of this plan believe that his participation in the murder of Rasputin makes Grand Duke Dmitry the most suitable performer capable of capturing the troops. His cousins, Cyril and Andrei Vladimirovich, came to his palace on Nevsky Prospekt and tried to convince him to "complete the cause of the people's salvation". After a long struggle with his conscience, Dmitry Pavlovich finally refused to "raise a hand against the emperor" ... "

And on January 15, 1917, the same Maurice Paleologue writes: “The conspiracy of the grand dukes misfired. Duma member Maklakov was right when he spoke the day before yesterday to Mrs D., from whom I learned about it:<...> "They would like the Duma to light gunpowder ... In general, they expect from us what we expect from them» ... Let us note these clearly not accidental mutual expectations of the grand dukes and members of the Duma.

On January 22, Nicholas II, fully aware of the plans of his inner circle, prudently expelled from the capital under various pretexts the Grand Dukes Nikolai Mikhailovich, Andrei and Kirill Vladimirovich and Dmitry Pavlovich.

This dealt a strong blow to the front. However, her existence did not end there. And the thoughts of murder also did not leave the members of the royal house.

Grand Duke Nikolai Mikhailovich wrote in his diary: “The murder of Rasputin is a half measure, since it is necessary to put an end to both Alexandra Fyodorovna and Protopopov. You see, murder plans flicker through me again (hereinafter, it is highlighted by us - Auth.) , not quite definite yet, but logically necessary, otherwise it may be even worse than it was. It is still possible to get along with Protopopov, but how to neutralize Alexandra Fyodorovna? The task is almost impossible. Meanwhile time passes, and with the departure of Yusupov, Grand Duke Dmitry Pavlovich and Purishkevich (that is, the killers of Rasputin - Ed.) i don't see and don't know other artists » .

On March 1, the Grand Dukes Mikhail Alexandrovich, Kirill Vladimirovich and Pavel Alexandrovich signed a draft of the so-called manifesto "On a complete constitution for the Russian people." The king was supposed to agree to sign it.

Looking ahead, let us say that a number of grand dukes recognize the Provisional Government after the overthrow of Nicholas II. So on March 9, 11 and 12, corresponding telegrams were received from the Grand Dukes Nikolai Nikolaevich, Alexander Mikhailovich, Boris Vladimirovich, Sergei Mikhailovich and Georgy Mikhailovich to the name of the Prime Minister Prince Lvov.

Thus, even if the members of the imperial house did not directly influence the abdication of the emperor, they clearly could not become his support in an impending critical situation.

Interest of foreign powers

Allies of Russia in the First World War, England and France, feared that Rasputin would convince the tsar through Alexandra Fedorovna to negotiate with the Germans.

The British royal house, akin to the Russian reigning house, tried to influence the emperor through the grand dukes. In November 1916, the Grand Duke Mikhail Mikhailovich Romanov, who lived in London, wrote to Nicholas II: “I have just returned from Buckingham Palace. Georges (King of Great Britain George V - Ed.) very upset by the political situation in Russia. Intelligence Service agents, usually very knowledgeable, predict a revolution in Russia in the near future. I sincerely hope, Nikki, that you will find it possible to satisfy the just demands of the people before it is too late. "

Rodzianko recalled that after the murder of Rasputin, on January 8, the tsar's brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, unexpectedly arrived at his apartment. The prince said that the government and Alexandra Feodorovna "They lead Russia to a separate peace and shame, they give us into the hands of Germany", that the queen and the king "Surrounded by dark, worthless and incompetent faces"that the queen "Fiercely hate" So what "As long as she is in power, we will go to ruin". “Imagine, - added Mikhail Alexandrovich, - said the same to my brother Buchanan » .

The British ambassador George Buchanan and the British consul and intelligence officer Robert Lockhart were in general very active in communicating with the future leaders of the February Revolution. Buchanan in January discussed the palace coup at his embassy in St. Petersburg with the main Duma conspirators: Guchkov, Rodzianko and Milyukov. And Lockhart in Moscow constantly talked with the Duma members Prince Lvov, M. Chelnokov, V. Maklakov, A. Manuilov and F. Kokoshkin on the topic that the country is over a precipice, and the current government is incompetent.

At the end of January - mid-February 1917 in St. Petersburg, a conference was scheduled for the highest level with representatives of the London establishment. On the eve of the conference, Buchanan, at an audience with Nicholas II, raised the question of the expediency of holding it. At the same time, the ambassador said extremely sharply: "The political situation in Russia does not give me the courage to expect any major results from its meetings ... The revolutionary language was spoken not only in Petrograd, but throughout Russia." Buchanan even expressed doubt “That the current Russian government will remain in power ».

The British delegation, which then arrived in St. Petersburg, also communicated with the future conspirators. The head of the mission, British Minister of War Lord Alfred Milner, met with Prince Lvov. Lvov handed Milner a memorandum stating that Russia's absence of constitutional reform would lead the country to disaster. The date of the beginning of the revolution was also indicated, apparently connected with the upcoming meeting of the Duma: in three weeks... The British mission left Russia a week before the start of the February Revolution.

Conspiracy of Duma members and generals

The conspiracy of members of the State Duma was formed at the end of 1916, after the assassination of Rasputin. It was headed by Alexander Guchkov and Mikhail Rodzianko, former leaders the right-wing liberal "Progressive Bloc" and the "Oktyabrists" party (representing the interests of large landowners and industrialists), as well as by the leaders of Zemgor and the Military-Industrial Committee. The cadet leader Pavel Milyukov also took part in the conspiracy. The conspirators were joined by their colleagues in the Duma (Nekrasov, Tereshchenko and others).

Various plans for overthrowing Nicholas II, getting rid of the empress and removing the tsar's entourage from power were discussed. After that, it was supposed to establish a constitutional monarchy in Russia. Like the great dukes, the members of the Duma talked about "saving the monarchy" by changing the monarch. The need for a conspiracy from above was explained by the fact that otherwise the monarchy would fall from the rebellion of the "plebeians" from below.

Major General of the Separate Corps of Gendarmes A.I.Spiridovich later said that on January 1, 1917, the conspirators, through the head of the city of Tiflis A.I. Nikolai Nikolaevich refused, but he did not tell the tsar about the proposal.

Then the conspirators decided that the brother of Nicholas II, Mikhail Alexandrovich, could become the head of state as regent under the minor heir to the throne.

Guchkov later, in exile, said: “From a conversation with Nekrasov, it turned out that he also came to the same point of view ... about the inevitability of a violent coup ... Since in the future it was assumed that the son of the sovereign would be elevated to the throne - the heir, with the sovereign's brother as regent for the it seemed unacceptable to force a son and brother to swear allegiance through a pool of blood. Hence, the idea of \u200b\u200ba palace coup was born, as a result of which the sovereign would be forced to sign an abdication with the transfer of the throne to the legitimate heir ".

It was impossible to carry out a palace coup without the support of the army. At the same time, General Brusilov would later describe the mood in the army on the eve of the February Revolution as follows: “By February 1917, the entire army — more on one front, less on the other — was prepared for the revolution. The officer corps at this time also hesitated and, in general, was extremely dissatisfied with the state of affairs ".

Guchkov managed to attract the commander of the Northern Front, General Ruzsky, to participate in the conspiracy. Ruzsky, in turn, attracted several more front commanders, including General Brusilov. The fate of the conspiracy was decided by the addition of the chief of the General Staff, General Alekseev, to the conspiracy.

On February 9, a meeting of the leaders of the Duma opposition took place in the office of Chairman of the State Duma Rodzianko. General NV Ruzsky and Colonel AM Krymov were also present. At the meeting, the plan for a palace coup was openly discussed.

Thus, representatives of the Duma and members of the highest generals were preparing the abdication of Nicholas II even before the start of the revolutionary events.

The security department also knew about the impending conspiracy. The secret police general Spiridovich wrote on February 20: “Having got to the apartment of one friend, a serious informant, who knows everything and everyone, who is in contact with political public circles, and with the press and the world of security, I got a kind of synthesis about the general onslaught on the government, on Supreme Power... They hate the Tsarina, they don't want the Tsar anymore ... They talked about the Tsar's leaving, as it were, about the replacement of an unwanted minister. They talked about the fact that the Tsarina and Vyrubova would soon be killed, as they talked about some kind of hospital operation. Called officers who, allegedly, are ready to march, named some regiments, talked about the conspiracy of the Grand Dukes (emphasis added - Auth.), almost everyone called VK Mikhail Aleksandrovich the future Regent. "

The king's abdication

When the February Revolution broke out and an armed crowd swept the streets, the Duma conspirators realized that the tsar must be overthrown immediately.

General Brusilov recalled: “I ... was summoned to a direct line by [General] Alekseev, who told me that the newly formed Provisional Government had announced to him that if Nicholas II refused to abdicate the throne, it threatened to interrupt the supply of food and ammunition to the army (we have no there were no reserves), so Alekseev asked me and all the commanders-in-chief to telegraph the tsar with a request for abdication. I replied that, for my part, I considered this measure necessary and would immediately execute it. Rodzianko also sent me an urgent telegram of the same content ... I answered Rodzianko that I was fulfilling my duty to the motherland and the Tsar to the end, and then I sent a telegram to the Tsar, in which I asked him to renounce the throne.

On March 1, at a meeting of the members of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma, the Tsar's abdication was discussed. Monarchist V. Shulgin later said: “We were incomplete at that time. There were Rodzianko, Milyukov, myself — I don’t remember the rest ... But I remember that there were no Kerensky or Chkheidze [that is, the Left]. We were in our circle. And so Guchkov spoke completely fluently. " And he said the following: “... Apparently, the current Emperor can no longer reign ... The highest command on his behalf is no longer a command: it will not be fulfilled ... If this is so, then can we calmly and indifferently wait for that moment, when all this revolutionary rabble begins to look for a way out ... And he himself will deal with the monarchy ... "

On the night of March 2, Guchkov and Shulgin went together on behalf of the Provisional Committee of the Duma to the headquarters of the Northern Front army in Pskov, where Nikolai was.

Here is how the monarchist Shulgin explained to himself that he was going to overthrow the king: “I perfectly understood why I was going. I felt that the abdication would be inevitable, and felt that it was impossible to put the Emperor face to face with Chkheidze ... The abdication should be transferred into the hands of the monarchists and for the sake of saving the monarchy. " That is, the abdication of the emperor was considered the best way out at the time of February, even by the monarchists.

The attitude of the Duma members at that time to the tsar is well characterized by the words of one of the main conspirators, Milyukov, which he said at a meeting of the Duma the next day, March 2: "The old despot, who has brought Russia to complete ruin, will voluntarily renounce the throne or be deposed."

By the time Guchkov and Shulgin arrived, the commander of the Northern Front, Ruzsky, had already spoken with Nicholas II about his abdication. The tsar was shown telegrams of the commanders-in-chief of the fronts with requests to abdicate.

Nicholas II told Guchkov and Shulgin that he first decided to abdicate in favor of his son. But, realizing that this will require separation from him, he renounces in favor of his brother Michael.

The next day, Mikhail, after a meeting with members of the Duma, also signed a renunciation. Rodzianko recalled: "Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich put me bluntly the question of whether I can guarantee his life if he accepts the throne, and I had to answer him in the negative, because ... I did not have a solid armed force behind me ..."

Thus, the conspiracy of Duma members and generals, arranged as if to preserve the reigning dynasty, led to the complete overthrow of the Romanov dynasty.

Reaction to the overthrow of the king
churches and white leaders

The emperor compromised himself so much that in his fateful hour he did not find support either from the church, or from the monarchist organizations, or from the future leaders of the white movement, who, by some misunderstanding, are also recorded as loyal monarchists.

The Church reacted to the abdication quite loyally.

On March 9, the Synod issued an appeal in which the February Revolution was characterized by the words "the will of God has been accomplished." The appeal said: “Russia has embarked on the path of a new state life... God bless our great Motherland with happiness and glory on its new path. "

On March 12, the acts of abdication of the Romanovs were read in the churches. Now, before ordination, priests and deacons should have said: "I pledge to obey the Provisional Government, now heading the Russian state, pending the establishment of the mode of government by the will of the people through the Constituent Assembly."

Here are just some of the statements of the highest clergymen of that time.

Archbishop of Volyn Eulogius in his epistle to the faithful said that "The Russian tsar was surrounded ... by a tight ring of irresponsible and dark influences."

Bishop of Yekaterinoslav and Mariupol Agapit stated that "Dark forces pushed our homeland to destruction", but what "The Providence of God entrusted the fate of Russia to the government of representatives of the people in the State Duma, who are well aware of the modern ailments and needs of our Fatherland.".

Archbishop Vladimir of Penza said in a telegram to one of the leaders of the revolution and the new chief prosecutor of the Synod V. N. Lvov that he saw in his face "The dawn of the renewal of church life".

Bishop Kirion of Polotsk called in his sermon: "Let's become an indestructible rock around the State Duma ..."

Finally, in their appeal to the co-pastors of the diocese, the shepherds of the city of Kazan glorified the State Duma, which "Out of ardent love for the homeland" made "Great coup d'état".

As for the attitude of the leaders of the white movement to the overthrow of the tsar, General Kornilov personally arrested Alexandra Fedorovna and the rest of the royal family on March 8 in Tsarskoye Selo.

Admiral Kolchak, according to his own story, was among the first to swear allegiance to the Provisional Government and swore in his subordinates.

As for General Denikin, he described the decline of the monarchy as follows: “The unrestrained bacchanalia, some kind of sadism of power, which was shown by successive rulers of Rasputin's appointment, by the beginning of 1917 led to the fact that there was not a single political party in the state, not a single estate, not a single class, which could lean on the tsarist government. Everyone considered him an enemy of the people ".

***

So, the February revolution came as a surprise to the Bolsheviks. The popular protest against the harsh living conditions coincided with the desire for power of large industrialists and landowners, whose interests were expressed by Guchkov, Rodzianko and Milyukov. The Duma, the military, the monarchists, the church and even his closest relatives turned away from Nicholas II. The British royal house also showed an active interest in the fall of the autocracy.

The leaders of the February Revolution, destroying Russian empire, wreaked havoc. But they failed to cope with it. To pacify the chaos, reuniting and restoring the country destroyed by the revolution and the Civil War, the Bolsheviks already so cursed by them had to.

Ivan Cheremnykh, Dmitry Krasnoukhov, Dmitry Surkov, Ivan Krylov

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By the end of 1916, Russia was gripped by general discontent caused by war fatigue, rising prices, government inaction, and the apparent weakness of the imperial power. By the beginning of 1917, almost everyone in the country expected inevitable changes, but they began as unexpectedly as in 1905.

On February 23, 1917 (March 8 in the new style - International Women's Day), groups of women workers began to gather in different districts of Petrograd, who took to the streets demanding bread. There was enough bread in the city (in any case, there was a two-week supply of it), but rumors that had leaked to the masses about a reduction in the supply due to snow drifts (171 wagons of food per day instead of the norm of 330) caused panic and rush demand. Many were stocking up on bread and breadcrumbs for future use. The bakeries failed to cope with this influx. There were long lines at the bakery, where people stood even at night. The government was unanimously accused of what was happening.

In addition, on February 23, the management of the Putilov plant announced a lockout (the reason was the exorbitant economic demands of workers in a number of shops). The Putilov workers (and then the workers of other factories) joined the demonstration of women. Spontaneous pogroms of bakeries and grocery stores broke out. The crowd overturned trams (!!!), fought with the police. The soldiers were persuaded not to shoot. The authorities did not dare to somehow prevent this.

The order of Nicholas II on the use of weapons to restore order in the capital was received by the commandant of Petrograd, General Khabalov, only on February 25, when it was already too late. There was no organized suppression. The soldiers of some units (mainly the reserve battalions of the guards regiments located at the front) began to go over to the side of the demonstrators. On February 26, the elements of the riot got out of control. However, the parliamentary opposition hoped that the creation of a "responsible (before the Duma) ministry" could save the day.

Rodzianko telegraphed to Headquarters Nicholas II: “The situation is serious. There is anarchy in the capital. The government is paralyzed ... Public discontent is growing ... It is necessary to immediately instruct a person enjoying the country's confidence to form a new government. " The only response from the tsar (who clearly did not realize the true scope of events) to this appeal was the decision to dissolve the Duma for two months. By noon on February 27, 25,000 soldiers had already gone over to the side of the demonstrators. In some parts they killed officers loyal to the king. On the evening of February 27, about 30 thousand soldiers come to the Tauride Palace (the seat of the Duma) in search of power, in search of government. The Duma, which so dreamed of power, with difficulty decided to create the Provisional Committee of the State Duma, which declared that it would undertake "the restoration of government and public order."

The Provisional Committee of the State Duma includes: Chairman - Mikhail V. Rodzianko (Octobrist), V.V.Shulgin (nationalist), V.N. Lvov (center), I.I.Dmitriev (Octobrist), S.I.Shidlovsky (Octobrist), M. A. Karaulov (progressist), A. I. Konovalov (labor group), V. A. Rzhevsky (progressist) P. N. Limonov (cadet), N. V. Nekrasov (cadet), N S. Chkheidze (Social-Democratic). This choice was based on the representation of the parties united in the "Progressive Bloc".

A few hours before the creation of the Duma Committee, the first Council is organized. He appeals to the workers of Petrograd with a proposal to send deputies by the evening - one for every thousand workers. In the evening, the Soviet elects the Menshevik Nikolai S. Chkheidze as chairman, and Alexander F. Kerensky (Trudovik) and MI Skobelev (Right Menshevik) as deputies - left-wing Duma deputies. There were so few Bolsheviks in the Soviet at that time that they were unable to organize a faction (although the Bolshevik A.G. Shlyapnikov was elected to the Executive Committee of the Soviet).

At the time when two authorities arose in Petrograd - the Duma Committee and the Executive Committee of the Soviet - the Russian emperor was traveling from Headquarters in Mogilev to the capital. Detained at the station Dno by the insurgent soldiers, Nicholas II signed on March 2 the abdication of the throne for himself and his son Alexei in favor of his brother - led. book Mikhail Alexandrovich (declared his unwillingness to accept the throne before the decision of the Constituent Assembly on March 3). Nikolai made this decision after his chief of staff, General Alekseev, supported by the commanders of all five fronts, said that the abdication was the only way to calm public opinion, restore order and continue the war with Germany.

Alexander I. Guchkov and Vasily V. Shulgin accepted the abdication from the Provisional Committee. So, the thousand-year monarchy fell rather quickly and imperceptibly. On the same day (March 2), the Provisional Committee of the State Duma creates a Provisional (that is, before the convocation of the Constituent Assembly) government, at the head of which, at the insistence of Milyukov, who ousted the Octobrist Rodzianko, was Prince Georgy E. Lvov, close to the Cadets, the former chairman of the Zemsky Union (Lvov On March 2, at the request of the Provisional Committee, he approved Nicholas II at the head of the Council of Ministers; this was probably the last order of Nicholas as emperor). Cadet leader Pavel N. Milyukov became Minister of Foreign Affairs, Octobrist A.I.Guchkov became Minister of War, Minister of Finance - Mikhail I. Tereshchenko (a millionaire sugar refinery, non-partisan, close to progressives), Minister of Justice - A.F. Kerensky (a lawyer who participated in sensational political processes (including in the process of M. Beilis), and as a deputy of III and IV State. Duma (from the Trudovik faction). Thus, the first composition of the Provisional Government was almost exclusively bourgeois and predominantly Cadet. The Provisional Government declared its goal to continue the war and to convene a Constituent Assembly to decide the future structure of Russia. Actually, on this, the bourgeois parties considered the revolution complete.

However, simultaneously with the creation of the Provisional Government, the Petrograd Soviets of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies unite. N. Chkheidze became the chairman of the united Petrograd Soviet. The leaders of the Petrograd Soviet did not dare to take full power into their own hands, fearing that without the Duma they would not cope with public administration in conditions of war and economic disruption. The ideological attitudes of the Mensheviks and, in part, the Socialist-Revolutionaries, who prevailed in the Petrosovet, also played a role. They believed that the end of the bourgeois-democratic revolution was the business of the bourgeois parties, united around the Provisional Government. Therefore, the Petrosovet, which at that time had real full power in the capital, decided to conditionally support the Provisional Government, subject to the proclamation of Russia as a republic, a political amnesty and the convocation of the Constituent Assembly. The Soviets exerted powerful pressure “from the left” on the Provisional Government and did not always take into account the decisions of the cabinet of ministers (which included only one socialist, the Minister of Justice AF Kerensky).

So, despite opposition from the Provisional Committee of the State Duma, on March 1, 1917, Order No. 1 of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies was adopted, urging the soldiers to create soldiers' committees in all units of the garrison subordinate to the Soviet and transfer them the right to control the actions of officers ... By the same order, all the weapons of the unit were transferred to the exclusive disposal of the committees, which from now on "in no case" (!!!) should not have been issued to officers (in practice, this led to the confiscation of even personal weapons from officers); all disciplinary restrictions outside the ranks (including saluting) were abolished, soldiers were allowed to join political parties and engage in politics without any restrictions. The orders of the Provisional Committee (later - the Provisional Government) should be carried out only if they did not contradict the decisions of the Council. This order, which undermined all the basic foundations of army life, was the beginning of the rapid collapse of the old army. Initially issued only for the troops of the Petrograd garrison, it quickly got to the front and similar processes began there, especially since the Provisional Government did not find the courage to resolutely resist this. This order placed all the troops of the Petrograd garrison under the control of the Soviet. From now on (that is, from the very beginning!) The Provisional Government became its hostage.

On March 10, the Petrograd Soviet concluded an agreement with the Petrograd Society of Manufacturers and Breeders on the introduction of an 8-hour working day (this was not mentioned in the declaration of the Provisional Government). On March 14, the Council adopted a manifesto "To the peoples of the whole world", which declared the renunciation of aggressive goals in the war, annexations and indemnities. The manifesto only recognized a coalition war with Germany. This attitude towards the war appealed to the revolutionary masses, but did not suit the Provisional Government, including the Minister of War A.I. Guchkov and the Minister of Foreign Affairs P.N. Milyukov.

In fact, from the very beginning, Petrosovet went far beyond its urban status, becoming an alternative socialist government. A dual power developed in the country, that is, a kind of intertwining of powers: in a number of cases, real power was in the hands of the Petrograd Soviet, while the bourgeois Provisional Government was in fact in power.

The members of the Provisional Government were divided over questions of methods and relations with the Soviets. Some, and above all PN Milyukov and AI Guchkov, believed that concessions to the Soviet should be minimized and everything should be done to win the war, which would give credibility to the new regime. This meant the immediate restoration of order in both the army and the factories. A different position was taken by Nekrasov, Tereshchenko and Kerensky, who demanded the adoption of some of the measures required by the Council in order to undermine the authority of the authority of the workers and soldiers and cause the patriotic enthusiasm necessary for victory in the war.

Political parties after February

After the February Revolution, the party-political system in Russia clearly shifted to the left. The Black Hundreds and other extreme right, traditionalist-monarchist parties were defeated in the course of February. The center-right parties of the Octobrists and Progressives also experienced a grave crisis. The only large and influential liberal party in Russia was the Cadets. After the February Revolution, their numerical strength reached 70 thousand people. Under the influence of revolutionary events, the Cadets also "left". At the VII Congress of the Cadet Party (end of March 1917), the traditional orientation towards the constitutional monarchy was abandoned, and in May 1917, at the VIII Congress, the Cadets spoke out for a republic. The "Party of People's Freedom" (another name for the Cadets) has embarked on a course of cooperation with the socialist parties.

After the February Revolution, there was a rapid growth of socialist parties. Socialist parties clearly dominated the all-Russian political arena both in terms of the number of members and their influence on the masses.

The Socialist Revolutionary Party has grown significantly (up to 700-800, and according to some estimates, up to 1200 thousand people). In the spring of 1917, sometimes entire villages and companies enrolled in the AKP. The party leaders were Viktor M. Chernov and Nikolai D. Avksentyev. The Socialist-Revolutionary Party attracted by its radical and close to the peasants agrarian program, the demand for a federal republic and the heroic halo of long-standing and selfless fighters against the autocracy. The Socialist-Revolutionaries advocated a special path for Russia to socialism through the people's revolution, the socialization of the land and the development of cooperation and self-government of the working people. The AKP strengthened its left wing (Maria A. Spiridonova, Boris D. Kamkov (Katz), Prosh P. Proshyan). The left demanded decisive steps "towards the elimination of the war", the immediate alienation of the landowners' lands, and opposed a coalition with the Cadets.

After February, the Socialist-Revolutionaries acted in a bloc with the Mensheviks, who, although inferior to the AKP in numbers (200,000), nevertheless, due to their intellectual potential, exercised "ideological hegemony" in the bloc. The Menshevik organizations remained disunited even after February. Attempts to eliminate this disunity were unsuccessful. There were two factions in the Menshevik party: the Menshevik internationalists led by Yuliy O. Martov and the "defencists" (the "right" - Alexander N. Potresov, the "revolutionary" - Irakli G. Tsereteli, Fedor I. Dan (Gurvich), who were leaders not only of the largest faction, but also in many respects of the entire Menshevik party). There was also the right-wing Plekhanov group, Unity (Plekhanov himself, Vera I. Zasulich, and others) and the left-wing “Novozhiznets”, who broke with the Menshevik party. Part of the Menshevik internationalists, headed by Yu. Larin, joined the RSDLP (b). The Mensheviks advocated cooperation with the liberal bourgeoisie, provided conditional support to the Provisional Government and considered socialist experiments pernicious.

The Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries declared the need to wage war with the German bloc in order to defend the revolution and democratic freedoms (most Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries declared themselves "revolutionary defencists"). For fear of breaking with the bourgeoisie, for the threat civil war they agreed to postpone the solution of cardinal socio-economic problems until the convocation of the Constituent Assembly, but tried to implement partial reforms.

There was also a small (about 4 thousand people), but influential group of the so-called. "Mezhraiontsy". The group occupied an intermediate position between the Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks. After returning from emigration in May 1917, Lev D. Trotsky (Bronstein) became the leader of the Mezhraiontsy. While still in the United States in March 1917, he spoke in favor of the transition to the proletarian revolution in Russia, relying on the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies. At the 6th Congress of the RSDLP (b), the Mezhraiontsy joined the Bolshevik Party.

The Bolshevik Party, which was active in early 1917, was not at all a cohesive, effective organization. The revolution took the Bolsheviks by surprise. All the Bolshevik leaders known to the people were either in exile (Lenin and others) or in exile (Zinoviev, Stalin). The Russian Bureau of the Central Committee, which included Alexander G. Shlyapnikov, Vyacheslav M. Molotov, and others, could not yet become an all-Russian center. The number of Bolsheviks throughout Russia did not exceed 10 thousand people. There were no more than 2 thousand of them in Petrograd. VI Lenin, who had been in exile for almost ten years, was then in Zurich by the time of the February Revolution. Even in January 1917, he wrote: "We, the old people, may not live to see the decisive battles ... of the coming revolution ...".

Being far from the epicenter of events, Lenin, nevertheless, immediately came to the conclusion that in no case could the Bolshevik party be satisfied with what had been achieved and not take full advantage of the incredibly successful moment. In Letters from Afar, he insisted on the need to arm and organize the working masses for an immediate transition to the second stage of the revolution, during which the "government of capitalists and large landowners" would be overthrown.

But among the Bolsheviks there were "moderates" who rejected almost all of Lenin's main theoretical positions and political strategy. These were two major Bolshevik leaders - Joseph V. Stalin (Dzhugashvili) and Lev B. Kamenev (Rosenfeld). They (like the Menshevik-Socialist-Revolutionary majority of the Petrosovet) adhered to the position of "conditional support", "pressure" on the Provisional Government. When Lenin returned to Petrograd on April 3, 1917 (with the assistance of Germany, which understood that his activities would be destructive for Russia) and called for an immediate socialist revolution, not only moderate socialists, but even many Bolsheviks did not support him.

The policy of the Provisional Government. The end of the dual power

On April 4, 1917, Lenin presented to the Bolshevik leaders his "April Theses" ("On the tasks of the proletariat in the present revolution"), which defined a fundamentally new, extremely radical political line of the RSDLP (b). He unconditionally rejected "revolutionary defencism", a parliamentary republic, put forward the slogan "No support for the Provisional Government!" and spoke in favor of the seizure of power by the proletariat in alliance with the poorest peasantry, the establishment of the Republic of Soviets (in which the Bolsheviks were to prevail), called for an immediate end to the war. There was no demand in the article for an immediate armed uprising (since the masses are not yet ready for it). Lenin saw the immediate task of the party to dictate power in all possible ways and to agitate for the Soviets. The idea was extremely simple: the further, the more all the parties that took part in the government (that is, all up to the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, inclusive), will be in the eyes of the people guilty of worsening their situation. Their former popularity will inevitably fade, and it is here that the Bolsheviks will come to the fore. GV Plekhanov responded to Lenin's theses with a devastating article "On Lenin's theses and why delirium is sometimes interesting." The "theses" were met with bewilderment by the Bolshevik leaders of Petrograd (Kalinin, Kamenev, etc.). Nevertheless, it was this extremely extremist program chosen by Lenin, coupled with extremely simple and understandable slogans ("Peace!", "The land to the peasants!", "All power to the Soviets!", Etc.) that brought the Bolsheviks success. In the spring and summer of 1917, the number of the party increased significantly (by May 1917 - up to 100 thousand, and by August - up to 200-215 thousand people).

Already in March-April, the interim government carried out broad democratic transformations: the proclamation of political rights and freedoms; the abolition of national and religious restrictions, the death penalty, the abolition of censorship (during the war!); a general political amnesty was announced. On March 8, Nicholas II and his family were arrested (they were in the Alexander Palace in Tsarskoe Selo), as well as ministers and a number of representatives of the former tsarist administration. To investigate their illegal actions with great fanfare, an Extraordinary Commission of Inquiry was created (with scanty results). Under pressure from the Soviets, the Provisional Government implemented the so-called. The "democratization" of the army (in line with Order No. 1), which had the most devastating consequences. In March 1917, the Provisional Government announced its agreement in principle to create an independent Poland in the future. Later it was forced to agree to the broadest autonomy of Ukraine and Finland.

The Provisional Government legalized the factory committees that emerged at the enterprises, which received the right to control the activities of the administration. To achieve “class peace”, the Ministry of Labor was created. In factories and factories, the workers instituted an 8-hour working day (in conditions when the war continued!), Although it was not decreed. In April 1917, land committees were created to prepare the agrarian reform, but the resolution of the land issue was postponed until the convocation of the Constituent Assembly.

In order to gain local support on March 5, 1917, by order of the head of the cabinet, provincial and district commissars of the Provisional Government were appointed to replace the dismissed governors and other leaders of the previous administration. In May-June 1917, a local government reform was carried out. The network of zemstvos was extended to the whole of Russia, their electoral system was democratized, volost zemstvos and district city dumas were created. However, soon the local zemstvos began to be ousted from power by the Soviets. From March to October 1917, the number of local Soviets increased from 600 to 1400. Soldiers' committees were analogous to Soviets at the fronts.

During these two months, the Provisional Government has done a lot to democratize the country and bring it closer to world standards of democracy. However, the population's unpreparedness for conscious freedom (presupposing responsibility), a feeling of weakness in power and, consequently, impunity, and, finally, the ongoing war with the inevitable deterioration of life led to the fact that the good initiatives of the liberals rapidly undermined the foundations of the entire old Russian statehood, and the new principles of life did not have time to graft. In this sense, we can say that February gave birth to October.

At the same time, the Provisional Government did not want to decide before the Constituent Assembly the issues of liquidating landlord ownership, ending the war, and immediately improving the material situation of the people. This was quickly disappointed. The discontent was aggravated by the lack of food (bread cards were introduced in Petrograd from the end of March), clothing, fuel and raw materials. The skyrocketing inflation (the ruble fell 7 times over the year) led to the paralysis of commodity flows. The peasants did not want to give their crops for paper money. Wages, which had already fallen by the beginning of 1917 in comparison with the pre-war level by about a third, continued to fall at an unprecedented rate.

The work of transport has worsened and, consequently, the situation with the supply. The growing shortage of raw materials and fuel forced business owners to cut production, which led to an additional increase in unemployment due to mass layoffs. For many, dismissal meant conscription. Attempts by the government to take control of the situation under conditions of revolutionary anarchy did not lead to anything. Social tension in the country was growing.

It soon became clear that the desire of the Provisional Government to continue the war did not coincide with the wishes of the masses of soldiers and workers who, after the February events, became the actual masters of Petrograd. P.N.Milyukov, who believed that victory was needed for Russian democracy to strengthen its international prestige and to resolve a number of important territorial issues in favor of Russia - the capture of Galicia, the Austrian and German parts of Poland, Turkish Armenia, and most importantly, Constantinople and the Straits (for which Milyukov was nicknamed Milyukov-Dardanelles), on April 18, 1917, he addressed a note to the allies of Russia, where he assured them of their determination to bring the war to a victorious end.

In response, on April 20 and 21, under the influence of the Bolshevik agitation, thousands of workers, soldiers and sailors took to the streets with banners and banners, with the slogans "Down with the policy of annexations!" and "Down with the Provisional Government!" The crowds of demonstrators dispersed only at the request of the Petrograd Soviet, openly ignoring the government's order to disperse.

The Menshevik-Socialist-Revolutionary leaders of the Petrograd Soviet achieved an official explanation that the "decisive victory" in Milyukov's note meant only the achievement of "lasting peace." AI Guchkov and PN Milyukov were forced to resign. To overcome the first government crisis since the revolution, several of the most prominent moderate socialist leaders were persuaded to take ministerial posts. As a result, on May 5, 1917, the first coalition government was created. The Menshevik Irakli G. Tsereteli (one of the recognized leaders of the Bolshevik-Socialist-Revolutionary bloc) became Minister of Posts and Telegraphs. The main leader and theorist of the Socialist-Revolutionaries, Viktor M. Chernov, headed the Ministry of Agriculture. Tsereteli's associate Matvey I. Skobelev was appointed Minister of Labor. Alexei V. Peshekhonov, founder and leader of the People's Socialist Party, was appointed Minister of Food. Another People's Socialist Pavel Pereverzev took over as Minister of Justice. Kerensky became minister of war and naval.

At the First All-Russian Congress of Soviets (June 3-24, 1917) (out of 777 delegates 290 Mensheviks, 285 Socialist-Revolutionaries and 105 Bolsheviks), a new line of Bolshevik behavior was first manifested. The best orators of the party - Lenin and Lunacharsky - "rushed on the offensive" on the question of power, demanding the transformation of the congress into a "revolutionary convention" that would take over the full power. In response to Tsereteli's assertion that there is no party capable of taking all power into its own hands, V. I. Lenin declared from the rostrum of the congress: “There is! No party can refuse this, and our party does not refuse it: at every moment it is ready to take power entirely. "

June 18 at Southwestern Front an offensive began, which was supposed to cause a patriotic upsurge. Kerensky personally traveled around a huge number of soldiers' rallies, urging the soldiers to go on the offensive (for which he received the ironic nickname "chief persuading"). However, the former army after the "democratization" no longer existed, and the very front that made the brilliant Brusilov breakthrough just a year ago, after some initial successes (explained primarily by the fact that the Austrians considered the Russian army already completely decayed and left only very insignificant force) stopped, and then fled. The complete failure was obvious. The socialists completely shifted the blame for him to the government.

On the day of the start of the offensive in Petrograd and others large cities In Russia, powerful demonstrations were organized by the Petrograd Soviet in support of the Provisional Government, but ultimately held under the Bolshevik slogans: "All power to the Soviets!", "Down with ten capitalist ministers!", "Down with the war!" The demonstrators numbered approx. 400 thousand. The demonstrations showed the growth of radical sentiments among the masses, the strengthening of the influence of the Bolsheviks. At the same time, these trends were still clearly expressed only in the capital and a number of major cities... But there, too, the Provisional Government was losing support. Strikes resumed and reached a wide scale. The entrepreneurs responded with lockouts. The Minister of Industry and Trade Konovalov could not reach an agreement between entrepreneurs and workers and resigned.

Having learned about the German counteroffensive on July 2, 1917, the soldiers of the capital's garrison, mostly Bolsheviks and anarchists, convinced that the command would take the opportunity to send them to the front, decided to prepare an uprising. Its goals were: arrest of the Provisional Government, priority seizure of the telegraph and railway stations, connection with the sailors of Kronstadt, creation of a revolutionary committee led by the Bolsheviks and anarchists. On the same day, a number of cadet ministers resigned in protest against the compromise agreement with the Ukrainian Central Rada (which declared Ukraine's independence on June 10) and with the aim of putting pressure on the Provisional Government to tighten its position in the fight against the revolution.

On the evening of July 2, rallies were held by soldiers from 26 units who refused to go to the front. The announcement of the resignation of the cadet ministers further inflamed the atmosphere. The workers expressed solidarity with the soldiers. The position of the Bolsheviks was quite contradictory. The members of the Central Committee and the Bolsheviks who sat on the Executive Committee of the Soviet were against any "premature" action and held back the demonstrations. At the same time, many leaders (MI Latsis, NI Podvoisky and others), referring to the mood of the masses, insisted on an armed uprising.

On July 3-4, Petrograd was engulfed in demonstrations and meetings. Some units openly called for an uprising. V.I.Lenin reached the Kshesinskaya mansion (where the headquarters of the Bolsheviks was located) by midday on July 4. 10 thousand Kronstadt sailors with their Bolshevik leaders, mostly armed and eager to fight, surrounded the building and demanded Lenin. He spoke evasively, not calling for an uprising, but not rejecting this idea either. However, after some hesitation, the Bolsheviks decide to join this movement.

Columns of demonstrators headed for the Council. When Chernov tried to calm the demonstrators, only Trotsky's intervention saved him from death. Fights and skirmishes broke out between the Kronstadt sailors, the mutinous soldiers and part of the demonstrators, on the one hand, and on the other hand, regiments loyal to the Soviet (not the government!). A number of historians consider these events not without reason unsuccessful attempt Bolshevik armed uprising.

After the events of July 4, Petrograd was declared martial law. The Minister of Justice P. Pereverzev published information according to which Lenin not only received money from Germany, but also coordinated the uprising with the counteroffensive of Hindenburg. The government, supported by the Council, spoke in favor of the most decisive action. Lenin, together with Zinoviev, fled at the border of Finland, in the village. Spill. Trotsky, Kamenev, Lunacharsky were arrested. The units that took part in the demonstration were disarmed, and Pravda was closed. The death penalty was restored at the front. Lenin wrote these days that the slogan "All power to the Soviets!" should be removed from the agenda as long as the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries, with whom there was a complete break, remain in the leadership of the Soviet.

After the July events of 1917, Prince Lvov resigned and instructed AF Kerensky to form a new government. Negotiations between various political forces were difficult: the government crisis lasts 16 days (from 6 to 22 July). The cadets, who considered themselves victors, put forward their own conditions: war until victory, the fight against extremists and anarchy, postponing the solution of social issues until the convocation of the Constituent Assembly, restoring discipline in the army, replacing Chernov, who was blamed for the riots in the countryside. Kerensky supported the "muzhik minister" and threatened to resign himself. In the end, the cadets decided to enter the government, hoping to steer it in the right direction.

The second coalition government was headed by A.F. Kerensky (on July 7, GE Lvov resigned), retaining the posts of military and naval minister. Most of the posts in the new government were taken by the socialists. The danger of the growing chaos and the need to curb it became clear to the leadership of the Soviet, which declared the new government the "Government for the Salvation of the Revolution" and endowed it (!) With extraordinary powers. Power is actually concentrated in the hands of the government. It is generally accepted that after the events of July 3-5, the diarchy was over.

July 26 - August 3, the VI Congress of the RSDLP (b) was held at which a resolution was adopted on the need to seize power by means of an armed uprising, preparation for which should be main task party. At this congress, the Bolsheviks were joined by Trotsky's "mezhraiontsy" and elected a Central Committee, which included V. I. Lenin, L. B. Kamenev, G. E. Zinoviev, I. V. Stalin, L. D. Trotsky.

General Kornilov's speech and its consequences

On July 19, in the wake of the reaction to the events of the beginning of the month, Kerensky appointed General Laurus G. Kornilov (a popular combat general in the army, known for his toughness and adherence to principles) Supreme Commander-in-Chief instead of the more "liberal", "soft" Alexei A. Brusilov. Kornilov was entrusted with the task of the fastest restoration of discipline and combat capability of the troops.

On August 3, Kornilov, explaining that the growing economic paralysis endangers the supply of the army, presented to Kerensky a program to stabilize the situation in the country, which was based on the idea of \u200b\u200ban "army in the trenches, an army in the rear and an army of railway workers", and all three were to be subordinated to iron discipline ... In the army, it was planned to fully restore the disciplinary power of chiefs, a sharp restriction of the powers of commissars and soldiers' committees, and the introduction of the death penalty for military crimes for soldiers of the rear garrisons. In t. N. The "civilian section" of the program provided for the declaration of martial law on railways and defense factories and mines, the prohibition of meetings, strikes and workers' interference in economic affairs. It was emphasized that "these measures must be implemented immediately with iron determination and consistency." A few days later, he proposed to Kerensky to re-subordinate the Headquarters to the Petrograd Military District (since Headquarters controlled only the Army in the field, while all the rear units were subordinate to the Minister of War, that is, in this case, Kerensky) for his decisive cleaning of completely decomposed units and establishing order. Consent was obtained. From the beginning of August, the transfer of reliable military units to the vicinity of Petrograd began - the 3rd cavalry corps of the general. AM Krymov, Caucasian Native ("Wild") division, 5 Caucasian cavalry division, etc.

An attempt to consolidate the forces of the socialists and the liberal bourgeoisie in order to stop the slide into chaos was made at the State Conference in Moscow on August 12-15 (the Bolsheviks did not participate in it). The meeting was attended by representatives of the bourgeoisie, higher clergy, officers and generals, former deputies of the State. Duma, the leadership of the Soviets. State the conference made evident the growing popularity of Kornilov, for whom on August 13 the Muscovites staged a triumphant meeting at the station, and on the 14th the delegates of the conference enthusiastically welcomed his speech. In his speech, he once again stressed that "there should be no difference between the front and the rear regarding the severity of the regime necessary to save the country."

Returning to Headquarters after the Moscow conference, Kornilov, encouraged by the "right" cadets and supported by the Union of Officers, decided to attempt a coup. Kornilov believed that the fall of Riga (August 21) would be an excuse for pulling troops to the capital, and the demonstrations in Petrograd on the occasion of the six-month "anniversary" of the February Revolution would give him the necessary pretext to restore order.

After the dispersal of the Petrograd Soviet and the dissolution of the Provisional Government, Kornilov proposed to put the Council of People's Defense at the head of the country (chairman - General L.G. Kornilov, Deputy Chairman - A.F. Kerensky, members - General M.V. Alekseev, Admiral A.V. Kolchak , B.V.Savinkov, M.M. Filonenko). Under the Council, there should have been a government with broad representation of political forces: from the tsarist minister NN Pokrovsky to GV Plekhanov. Through intermediaries, Kornilov negotiated with Kerensky, seeking to achieve a peaceful transfer of all power to him.

On August 23, 1917, at a meeting at Headquarters, an agreement was reached on all issues. On August 24, Kornilov appointed a general. A. M. Krymov as the commander of the Separate (Petrograd) Army. He was ordered, as soon as there was a Bolshevik action (which was expected from day to day), immediately occupy the capital, disarm the garrison and workers and disperse the Soviet. Krymov prepared an order for the Separate Army, which introduced a state of siege in Petrograd and the province, Kronstadt, Finland and Estonia; it was ordered to create courts martial. Rallies, meetings, strikes, appearing on the streets from earlier 7.00 and later 19.00, publication of newspapers without prior censorship were prohibited. Those responsible for violating these measures were to be shot on the spot. The entire plan was supposed to be put into effect on August 29th.

So, since August 23, Kerensky knew about Kornilov's plans, but mistrust and personal ambitions broke this tandem. On the evening of August 26, at a meeting of the Provisional Government, Kerensky qualified Kornilov's actions as a rebellion and demanded extraordinary powers that were given to him. On August 27, an order was sent to Headquarters to dismiss Kornilov from office, in which he was recognized as a rebel. Kornilov did not obey this order and on the morning of August 28 broadcast a statement on the radio: “... Russian people! Our great homeland is dying. The hour of her death is near. Forced to speak out openly, I, General Kornilov, declare that the Provisional Government, under pressure from the Bolshevik majority of the Soviets, is acting in full accord with the plans of the German General Staff ... killing the army and shaking the country inside. The heavy consciousness of the inevitable death of the country commands me ... to call on all Russian people to save the dying Motherland. ... I, General Kornilov, - the son of a Cossack-peasant, declare to each and every one that I personally do not need anything except preservation Great Russia and I swear to bring the people - through victory over the enemy - to the Constituent Assembly, at which they will decide their own destinies and choose the way of a new state life. To betray Russia ... I cannot. And I prefer to die on the field of honor and battle, so as not to see the shame and shame of the Russian land. Russian people, the life of your Motherland is in your hands! "

While Kornilov was advancing his troops to Petrograd, Kerensky, deserted by the resigned cadet ministers, began negotiations with the Executive Committee of the Soviet. The threat of mutiny again turned Kerensky into the head of the revolution. Railway workers began to sabotage the transport of military units, hundreds of Soviet agitators went there. In Petrograd, armed detachments of the workers' Red Guard were formed. Bolshevik leaders were released from prison; the Bolsheviks took part in the work of the Committee of People's Defense against Counterrevolution, created under the auspices of the Soviets. By August 30, the rebel troops were stopped and dispersed without firing. General Krymov shot himself, Kornilov was arrested (September 1).

Kerensky moved on to attempts to consolidate his position and stabilize the situation in the country. On September 1, Russia was proclaimed a republic. Power passed to the Directory of five people under the leadership of Kerensky. He tried to strengthen his position by creating the Democratic Conference (which was to become the source of the new statehood), and then the Council of the Republic.

The Democratic Conference (September 14-22) had to make two important decisions: to exclude or leave bourgeois parties in the government coalition; determine the nature of the Council of the Republic. The participation of the bourgeoisie in the third coalition government, finally formed on September 26, was approved by a small majority. The conference agreed to the participation in the government on an individual basis of the leaders of the Cadet party (since on the whole the conference expelled from the government the parties that had compromised themselves by participating in the Kornilov speech). Kerensky introduced Konovalov, Kishkin, Tretyakov into the third coalition government.

The Bolsheviks considered this a provocation, stating that only All-Russian Congress The Soviets, appointed for October 20, have the right to form a "real government". The meeting elected the permanent Democratic Council of the Republic (Pre-Parliament). But the situation in the country, the balance of forces after the defeat of Kornilov, changed fundamentally. The most active, which had begun to consolidate, the right-wing forces capable of resisting the threat of Bolshevization were defeated. Kerensky's prestige, above all among the officers, fell sharply. Support for relatively moderate socialist parties also fell. At the same time (as, by the way, Lenin had assumed back in April), the popularity of the Bolsheviks increased sharply, and they had to be legalized again. In September, they took control of the Petrosovet (Trotsky was elected chairman) and a number of councils of other large cities. On September 13, in his "Historical Letters" addressed to the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b), Lenin called for an early armed uprising. By the beginning of October, the position of the Provisional Government becomes hopeless.

Much later, Winston Churchill wrote: "Fate was not so merciless to any country as to Russia. Her ship went down when the pier was already in sight. It had already suffered a storm when the wreck came. All the sacrifices had already been made, work was over. Despair and betrayal overcame the authorities when the task had already been completed ... "

wiki.304.ru / History of Russia. Dmitry Alkhazashvili.

The immediate cause of the revolutionary explosion was military exhaustion, which aggravated all the internal problems of society and the state. Its origins were rooted in Russia's unpreparedness for war and growing miscalculations. command admitted in 1914–16. There was a moral decay of the rear military units, including the Petrograd military district. Nicholas II was at the Headquarters in Mogilev and did not control the situation in the country. The discontent of the generals and officers, caused by military failures, by 1917 developed into a hidden opposition. The standard of living and food supply of the townspeople, especially in the capital, has noticeably deteriorated. Disruption of transport made it difficult for the regular food supply of Petrograd, creating interruptions in the supply of bread. The threat of starvation sharply increased the dissatisfaction with the authorities. In connection with the mobilization of the workers of Petrograd in all sectors of the economy, the role of women has noticeably increased, especially when they endured the everyday and social difficulties of wartime.

The main events of the February Revolution took place in Petrograd. 23.2 (8.3) .1917 anti-war rallies dedicated to the traditional Workers' Day spontaneously began to develop into mass strikes and demonstrations under the slogans "Down with the war!", "Demand bread!" Feb 24 (March 9) a general strike began, rallies were held continuously. The commander of the Petrograd military district, General S. S. Khabalov, pulled the soldiers of the guards reserve regiments to the center of the city. The most important city highways were blocked, the security of government buildings, the post office, telegraph office, etc. was strengthened. 25 Feb. (March 10) military and police outposts were set up near the bridges, but columns of demonstrators, bypassing them on the ice of the Neva, rushed to the city center. The predominant slogans were: "Down with the Tsar!", "Down with the government!", "Bread, peace, freedom!", "Long live the republic!" In the evening, General Khabalov received an order from Nicholas II to immediately end the unrest in Petrograd. Several were arrested. Mensheviks, arrests were made at night among the workers of the revolutionary underground. On the same day, Nicholas II dissolved the State. thought. 26 Feb (March 11) the police and the mayor A.P. Balk removed the protection of the bridges, all forces of the troops and police were concentrated in the center, the soldiers were given cartridges. Fire was opened on demonstrators in several places of the city, killed and wounded appeared, workers on the proletarian outskirts began to build barricades and seize factories. Feb 27. (12 March) The general strike escalated into an armed uprising. Soldiers of a number of regiments rose up, they united with the insurgent workers. The District Court was set on fire, and those arrested were released from the House of Pre-trial Detention, as well as from the Kresty prisons and the Lithuanian Castle. In the Tauride Palace, the Council of Elders and the Private Meeting of the State. Duma elected a body of power - the Provisional Committee ("The State Duma Committee for the establishment of order in Petrograd and for communication with institutions and individuals"). He tried to take power into his own hands. The leaders of the Menshevik faction of the State. duma, representatives of soldiers and workers, journalists announced the creation of the Provisional Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet; in the evening the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' Deputies was elected [from March 1 (14) of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies]. 28 Feb (March 13) armed workers and soldiers occupied the Peter and Paul Fortress. General Khabalov transferred the remnants of government troops from the building of Ch. Admiralty to the Winter Palace, which was soon occupied by troops sent by the Provisional Committee of the State. Duma and the Executive Committee of the Petrosovet. Expedition of General N. I. Ivanov [from the evening of 27 Feb. (March 12) Commander of the Petrograd military district], sent to suppress the uprising, failed. On March 1 (14), St. 394 K people from more than 900 enterprises, almost the entire Petrograd garrison went over to the side of the rebels. Under pressure from the insurgents, Order No. 1 of the Petrograd Soviet was adopted. He equalized the rights of soldiers and officers, introduced elective soldiers' committees that governed the life of the army, which led to a catastrophic fall in military discipline.

2 (15) .3.1917 by the Provisional Committee of the State. Duma with the consent of the leaders of the Petrograd Soviet (chairman - Menshevik N. S. Chkheidze, his deputy - Socialist-Revolutionary A. F. Kerensky) formed a Provisional - before the convocation of the Constituent Assembly - the government (chairman - Prince G. Ye. Lvov). It consisted mainly of representatives of the Cadets and Octobrists. On March 13 (26), the Provisional Government formed a Special Meeting on the preparation of the law on elections to the Constituent Assembly (it worked in May - September 1917; the chairman is the cadet F.F.Kokoshkin), which included representatives of various political parties, Soviets, public and national organizations.

In this situation, the leaders of political parties, factions of the State. Duma and the generals associated with them hoped to achieve the abdication of Nicholas II from the throne in favor of his son and heir Alexei and the formation of a government responsible to the Duma. But the emperor on 2 (15) .3.1917 abdicated the throne for himself and for his son, handing over the crown to his brother - Grand Duke Michael, who also renounced it. The monarchy in Russia ceased to exist.

The small Bolshevik party did not play a prominent role in the February revolution. The growth of its value began in April. 1917, with the return to Petrograd from emigration of V.I. Lenin, G.E. Zinoviev, N.I.Bukharin, etc. At the April conference of 1917, where the political course of the party in the revolution was developed, two positions emerged: radical Lenin and less radical L.B. Kameneva. Lenin, believing that the Bolsheviks should not follow the "conciliatory" course of the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, called for the refusal of confidence in the Provisional Government, transferring all power to the Soviets and making a socialist revolution, simultaneously carrying out democratic transformations. Kamenev believed that the Bolsheviks should work together with other socialist parties to achieve democratic reforms.

The Provisional Government made two attempts to continue Russia's participation in the 1st World War: in the April note 1917 min. foreign del Milyukov assured the Entente governments of Russia's loyalty to its obligations to continue the war to a victorious end; in the 2nd floor. June and July offensive actions were carried out. armies on the Southwestern and Romanian fronts, which ultimately ended in defeat. Both attempts led to mass unrest, crises of power (April and July 1917) and a change in the political composition of the Provisional Government - from the initial predominance of liberals to an approximately equal (in July) ratio of their representatives and representatives of the socialists, Ch. arr. Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks. In June, the government for the first time announced the date for elections to the Constituent Assembly - 17 (30) Sept. and its convocation - 30 Sept. (October 13) 1917. The governing bodies of the Soviets of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies, as well as peasant deputies, recognized the powers of a government body for the Provisional Government. The 2nd coalition government was formed on July 24 (August 6) (chairman - Kerensky). In aug. the meetings of the All-Russian on matters of elections to the Constituent Assembly of the Commission (All-elections; chairman - cadet N.N. Avinov) began, the elections were postponed to 12 (25) November, and its convocation - to 28 November. (Dec 11). At the same time, the government convened in Moscow on August 12-15 (25-28). State meeting attended by members of the government, deputies of the State. Duma of all convocations, representatives of Soviets, commercial and industrial circles, banks, cooperative organizations, trade unions, army, navy, city and zemstvo self-government bodies, etc. On the State. At the meeting, General L. G. Kornilov outlined the requirements of the generals to the authorities: the introduction of the death penalty at the front and in the rear; suppression of anti-state and anti-national forces; restoration of the army's combat capability; continuation of the war "to a victorious end." Appointed Supreme Commander-in-Chief, Kornilov agreed with Kerensky to suppress revolutionary anarchy by army forces and establish a "revolutionary dictatorship" of the Directory of Kornilov and Kerensky. At the end of Aug. 1917 General A.M. Krymov's corps moved to Petrograd. Fearing that the generals would sweep him as well, Kerensky declared Kornilov a rebel and removed him from the post of Supreme Commander, then turned to the revolutionary-minded workers and soldiers for help. The Bolsheviks also called on them to prevent Kornilov's action and managed to raise significant forces against him. A massive replenishment of the Red Guard began - armed detachments of volunteer workers (the first steps to organize them were taken by the Bolsheviks of Petrograd and other cities in late March - early April 1917). The "rebel troops" were stopped, General Kornilov was arrested. As a result of these events, the alignment of political forces changed: the influence of the Bolsheviks increased significantly, the Bolshevization of the Soviets, especially the Petrograd one, began. The interim government, in search of a way out of the next crisis of power, transferred power to a temporary body - the Directory. 1 (14 Sept.) Russia was declared a republic.

The leaders of the Soviets, which were still dominated by Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, in an effort to lead the country along the path of bourgeois parliamentarism and in order to weaken the growing national crisis in the country, convened a Democratic Conference in Petrograd. It was attended by delegates from the Soviets, trade unions, organizations of the army and navy, national institutions, etc .; Socialist-Revolutionaries predominated, the Mensheviks and Bolsheviks had quite a lot of seats. At Lenin's suggestion, the Bolsheviks used the Conference as a platform to sharply criticize the experience of coalition power and to put forward demands for the transfer of power to the Soviets, the abolition of private ownership of land and the transfer of it to the peasantry, the nationalization of the most important industries, and the immediate conclusion of peace.

The Democratic Conference delegated representatives of all groups and factions in proportion to their number to the Pre-Parliament, formed to perform the functions of a representative body that could control the activities of the Provisional Government until the convocation of the Constituent Assembly. It was dominated by the Socialist-Revolutionaries, the Mensheviks and the Cadets had quite a lot of seats, the Bolsheviks received the smallest number of mandates. 23 Sep (October 6) The Pre-Parliament approved the agreement of the Socialist-Revolutionaries, Mensheviks and Cadets on the creation of a new, 3rd coalition, Provisional Government. In the RSDLP (b), opinions about participation in the work of the Pre-Parliament were divided: L.B. Kamenev, V.P. Nogin, A.I. Rykov and others spoke in favor of participation, Lenin strongly opposed, suggesting instead to call the masses to an armed uprising ... His point of view won: October 7 (20). the faction of the RSDLP (b) after harsh statements left the Pre-Parliament. The Soviets agreed with this position. 24 oct. (Nov. 6) The Pre-Parliament adopted a resolution in which it demanded that the Provisional Government, along with suppressing the revolutionary fermentation, immediately adopt a decree on the transfer of lands to the jurisdiction of land committees and appeal to the allies with a statement of peace conditions and a demand to start peace negotiations.

At the same time, preparations continued for the elections to the Constituent Assembly: in September the councils of zemstvo and city dumas and zemstvos began compiling voter lists, and in October lists of candidates for elections from political parties were published. However, the RSDLP (b) resolution of 10 (23) October. made a decision on an armed uprising. At the insistence of Lenin at the Petrograd Soviet 12 (25) Oct. the formation of a legal military revolutionary committee, the All-Russian Revolutionary Committee, began (by the end of October, St. 40 had been formed across the country). 23 oct. (5 Nov.) The Center was formed in the structure of the Red Guard. the commandant's office, which was in close contact with the Petrograd Military Revolutionary Committee, and Ch. headquarters. The Military Revolutionary Committee and the Red Guard became an armed force on which the Bolsheviks could rely in the seizure of power.