The first transformations of the Bolsheviks 1917 1918 The first transformations of the Bolsheviks in the political and socio-economic spheres

October events of 1917

The coming of the Bolsheviks to power. On the morning of October 25, 1917, the published appeal "To the Citizens of Russia" announced the overthrow of the Provisional Government and the transfer of power to the Petrograd Military Revolutionary Committee, and on the night of October 25-26, the Winter Palace was taken and the old ministers were arrested.

On the evening of October 25 (November 7, new style), the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets opened, which proclaimed the establishment of Soviet power. The composition of the congress reflected the alignment of political forces mainly in the cities and the army. The Russian countryside was represented only by the envoys of the Soviets of Soldiers' Deputies and a few Soviets, which by this time existed as united organizations of workers, soldiers and peasants. The executive committee of the All-Russian Council of Peasant Deputies did not send its representatives to the congress. Thus, the Second Congress of Soviets expressed the will not of the majority of the people, but of its minority, although the most socially active. The Mensheviks and Right SRs condemned the actions of the Bolsheviks, accused them of organizing and carrying out a military conspiracy, and left the congress in protest (about a third of the delegates). Of the 670 delegates, 338 represented the Bolshevik Party, and their allies, the Left SRs, had 100 seats.

Lenin delivered reports on the two main issues on the agenda of the congress - "about peace" and "about land". On October 26, the congress unanimously adopted the Peace Decree, which declared war a crime against humanity and called on the belligerent countries to immediately conclude peace without annexations and indemnities. The Decree on Land took into account peasant demands and proclaimed the abolition of private ownership of land, the nationalization of all land and its subsoil.

At the congress, a workers 'and peasants' government was formed - the Council of People's Commissars, which was headed by V.I. Lenin. The SNK included: A.I. Rykov - People's Commissar of Internal Affairs, L.D. Trotsky - People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs, A.V. Lunacharsky - People's Commissar of Education, I.V. Stalin - People's Commissar for Nationalities, Skvortsov (Stepanov) - People's Commissar of Finance, etc. maritime affairs headed by V.A. Antonov (Ovseenko), N.V. Krylenko and P.E. Dybenko.

The congress elected a new composition of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee (VTsIK), which included 62 Bolsheviks and 29 Left Social Revolutionaries, 6 Menshevik internationalists (LB Kamenev became the chairman of the VTsIK, and on November 8 he was replaced by Ya.M. Sverdlov) and declared his intention hold elections to the Constituent Assembly.

In Moscow, Soviet power was established only on November 3 after bloody battles between supporters of the Provisional Government and the Bolsheviks. In the Central Industrial Region of the country, the Bolsheviks won in November-December 1917. mostly by peaceful means. In Western Siberia, the Soviets took power in early December, and by February 1918 it had established itself almost throughout Altai. Only by March 1918 the new government was established on Far East.



On the fronts, Soviet power was strengthened at the very beginning of November by the introduction of Bolshevik control over the Headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, after unsuccessful attempt A.F. Kerensky and General P.N. Krasnov to send troops to Petrograd.

On the outskirts of the former Russian Empire the establishment of the new government lasted for many months. Exclusively with the help of weapons, the Bolshevik power was established in the Cossack regions of the Don, Kuban and the Southern Urals, where the main anti-Bolshevik forces were formed.

The relatively quick and easy victory of the Bolsheviks was determined, firstly, by the weakness of the national bourgeoisie and the absence in the country of a wide circle of the population with a private property ideology, the relative weakness of liberal political forces. Secondly, there was massive support for the first Soviet decrees, which were of a general democratic nature and met the vital interests of the majority of the population. The Bolsheviks were able to resolutely "straddle" the revolutionary-anarchist element, which they encouraged in every possible way, and to exploit the weakness of the Provisional Government.

The first transformations of the Bolsheviks.The primary tasks of the Bolsheviks after the seizure of power was to strengthen their own power and the destruction of the former state and public structures. In anticipation of a world revolution that was close, as they thought, they connected their hopes with the hatred of the revolutionary masses for the "bourgeoisie" and the old order.

Simultaneously with the establishment of Soviet power and the liquidation of all old state institutions in the center and in the localities (the State Council, ministries, city councils and zemstvos), a new state apparatus was created.

The supreme legislative body was the All-Russian Congress of Soviets, and in the intervals between congresses, these functions were assigned to the All-Russian Central Executive Committee (VTsIK). The supreme executive body was the Council of People's Commissars (SNK), which also had the right to initiate legislation.

The elections to the Constituent Assembly (November 12, 1917) meant the defeat of the Bolsheviks, who received only 24% of the vote, the Cadets 4.7%, and the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries 59%. On the opening day, the Constituent Assembly (January 5, 1918) adopted the Menshevik agenda and rejected the Bolshevik Declaration of the Rights of the Working and Exploited People, the Left SRs and Bolsheviks left its meeting. On January 6, 1918, the Constituent Assembly was dispersed.

The Peace Decree promised a world without annexations and indemnities. But according to the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk with Germany (March 3, 1918), the Baltic States, Poland, part of Belarus, part of the Transcaucasus, and some other territories, with a total area of \u200b\u200b1 million square meters, were torn away from Russia. km, an indemnity of 3 billion rubles was paid. The Brest Treaty was broken only after the November 1918 revolution in Germany.

On November 22, 1917, the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR approves a decree on the court, which abolished the entire old judicial and prosecutorial system: the institution of judicial investigators, prosecutor's supervision, jury and private advocacy, the government Senate with all departments, district courts, judicial chambers, military, maritime and commercial courts. The decree proclaimed the democratic principles of the new court: the election of judges and assessors with the right to recall them, openness and collegiality of the consideration of cases in courts, the right of the accused to defense.

The question of the fight against "internal counter-revolution" and sabotage was raised by V.I. Lenin at a meeting of the Council of People's Commissars on December 6, 1917 in connection with fierce resistance to the measures of Soviet power, and a possible strike of senior officials of government agencies. To form a commission to find out ways to combat sabotage, F.E. Dzerzhinsky, whose report was heard at a meeting of the Council of People's Commissars on December 7. At the same meeting, the All-Russian emergency commission to fight counter-revolution and sabotage, and Dzerzhinsky was appointed its chairman.

From the very first days after October coup the Bolsheviks and the Soviet government were faced with the task of organizing the military defense of the Soviet Republic against "internal and external counter-revolution." The Bolsheviks had to solve this problem in a short time in a difficult international situation, economic devastation and fatigue of the masses from the continuing world war. After the victory of the armed uprising in Petrograd, the Bolsheviks and the Soviet government intensified their struggle for the army, and on November 24, 1917, the People's Commissariat for Military Affairs established control over the apparatus of the former War Ministry. Proceeding to the complete democratization of the old army, the Council of People's Commissars adopts decrees "On the Elective Principle and on the Organization of Power in the Army" and "On Equalization in the Rights of All Servicemen."

The beginning of 1918 is characterized by continuous and intensive work in the "search and creation of new organizational forms." In time, this work coincides with the emergence of the first hotbeds of the civil war. On January 15, 1918, the People's Commissariat for Military Affairs submitted to the Council of People's Commissars a draft decree on the organization of the Workers 'and Peasants' Red Army. On the same day, the decree was adopted, and the principle of volunteerism, which existed until the summer of the same year, was the basis for the manning of the Red Army.

Simultaneously with the adoption of this decree, the Council of People's Commissars approved the All-Russian Collegium for the Organization and Management of the Workers 'and Peasants' Red Army as an auxiliary body under the People's Commissariat of War. On February 14, 1918, a decree was published on the organization of the Workers 'and Peasants' Red Fleet. With the adoption of these decrees, the initial period of the search for forms of organization of the armed forces of Soviet Russia ended.

By the fall of 1917, the Bolsheviks came to leadership in the Petrograd and Moscow Soviets, in the Soviets of large cities. By mid-September, the leader of the Bolshevik Party V.I. Lenin revised his views on the course of the revolution in Russia. In the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b), he writes letters "The Bolsheviks must take power" and "Marxism and uprising." In these works, before his party, he set the task of transferring power in the country to the Bolshevik Soviets through armed seizure. IN AND. Lenin believed that a nationwide crisis was ripe, and the masses were ready for a decisive struggle.

By the fall, the socio-economic and political situation in Russia became even more aggravated: industry, transport, agriculture... National contradictions intensified. The situation at the front was becoming disastrous. The Germans launched an offensive and captured the Moonzun Islands. The Baltic Fleet was forced to leave for the Gulf of Finland. Riga has fallen. German troops began to approach Petrograd. The country's government did not have a plan for overcoming the crisis.

In September, the Bolsheviks again put forward the slogan "All Power to the Soviets!" and began preparations for an armed uprising. In early October, V.I. Lenin. On October 10 and 16, two meetings of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b) were held. On them, a struggle unfolded between the Bolshevik leaders over the strategy of the Bolsheviks in the current situation. L. B. Kamenev and G.E. Zinoviev came up with a proposal to adhere to the line of peaceful development of the revolution, which assumed the seizure of power using elections to the Constituent Assembly. L. D. Trotsky proposed to postpone the uprising until the opening of the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets, which would decide the question of power by voting. These proposals were rejected, and it was decided to start preparations for an armed uprising with the aim of overthrowing the Provisional Government.

October socialist revolution. On October 12, the Petrograd Soviet elected the Military Revolutionary Committee (MRC). It became the center for the preparation of an armed uprising. On October 22, the Military Revolutionary Committee took over the leadership of the Petrograd military garrison. At the direction of the Military Revolutionary Committee in the capital, government-appointed commissioners were replaced in government agencies, organizations, military units the Bolsheviks. Since October 24, detachments of the Military Revolutionary Committee of workers - Red Guards, revolutionary soldiers and sailors Baltic Fleet began to occupy key points of the city: railway stations, bridges, telegraph, power plants.

A.F. Kerensky tried to oppose the Bolsheviks. He managed to mobilize a company of a female shock battalion (200 people), 134 officers and 2 thousand cadets from the school of warrant officers, 68 cadets from the Mikhailovsky military artillery school. With these forces, the prime minister tried to ensure the protection of the Winter Palace, government buildings, and other vital facilities.

In Petrograd, the Bolsheviks had a numerical superiority. They included the main forces of the 150,000th Petrograd military garrison, 23,000 Red Guard detachments and 80,000 sailors of the Baltic Fleet.

On the evening of October 24, an order from the All-Russian Revolutionary Committee was sent to all revolutionary units to march immediately. By the morning of October 25, all the main institutions of Petrograd were controlled by the Military Revolutionary Committee of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies. Only the Winter Palace, the General Staff Building and the Mariinsky Palace remained under the control of the Provisional Government. On the morning of October 25, the All-Russian Revolutionary Committee issued an appeal "To the Citizens of Russia", which reported on the overthrow of the Provisional Government and the transfer of power to the All-Russian Revolutionary Committee, which handed it over to the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets. In the evening, Red Guards arrested members of the government in the Winter Palace.

Realizing the impossibility of resisting the uprising, on October 25 A.F. Kerensky left the capital and went to Pskov to the headquarters of the Northern Front in order to bring troops to the city and restore the power of the Provisional Government.

Having come to power, the Bolsheviks liquidated the old state apparatus and created a fundamentally new political system - the dictatorship of the proletariat - the political power of the workers.

The supreme representative body was the Congress of Soviets. In the intervals between the congresses, there was a permanent body - the Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee (VTsIK). The first chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee was L.B. Kamenev, but soon he was replaced by Ya.M. Sverdlov. The government was the Council of People's Commissars. V.I. Lenin. The SNK began to exercise both executive and legislative powers. There was no clear separation of powers between the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Council of People's Commissars. Local government was concentrated in the provincial and district Soviets.

Until October 1917, the Bolsheviks' ideas about the state of the dictatorship of the proletariat were permeated with the spirit of romanticism. In particular, V.I. Lenin proposed to disband the army and police and replace them with the general arming of the people. But reality refuted the Bolsheviks' ideas about the proletarian state. To retain power, it was necessary to create an apparatus of violence.

On November 11 (new style), 1917, a workers 'and peasants' militia was organized to protect public order. The People's Courts were established by decree of the Council of People's Commissars. In December 1917, a punitive body of the new government was created - the All-Russian Extraordinary Commission for Combating Counter-Revolution and Sabotage (VChK), headed by F.E. Dzerzhinsky. The Cheka was removed from state control and coordinated its actions only with the top party leadership. The Cheka had unlimited rights: from arrest and investigation to sentencing and execution. In November - December 1917, the SNK subordinated the leadership of the army and dismissed more than a thousand generals and officers who did not accept Soviet power. In 1918, decrees were adopted on the creation of the Workers '- Peasants' Red Army and the Workers '- Peasants' Fleet on a voluntary basis.

Until October, the country lived according to the Julian calendar, which in the twentieth century. lagged behind the European by 13 days. On February 1, 1918, the Bolsheviks announced on February 14, 1918.

The activities of the Bolshevik government aroused the resistance of many social strata (landowners, bourgeoisie, officials, officers, clergy). Anti-Bolshevik conspiracies ripened in Petrograd and other cities. The Left SRs took a wait-and-see attitude, as they did not want to break with the socialist parties and at the same time were afraid of losing the support of the masses. The Left Social Revolutionaries supported the idea of \u200b\u200bthe All-Russian Executive Committee of the Railway Workers' Trade Union (Vikzhel) to create a multi-party socialist government and remove V.I. Lenin from the post of Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars. This proposal caused serious disagreement among the Bolshevik leadership. L. B. Kamenev, G.E. Zinoviev, A.I. Rykov, V.P. Milyutin, V.P. Nogin in early November withdrew from the Central Committee, some of the people's commissars - from the government. The resulting conflict V.I. Lenin managed to resolve: L.B. Kamenev as chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee was replaced by Ya.M. Sverdlov, G.I. Petrovsky, P.I. Stuchku, A.I. Tsyurupu and others. In mid-November, an agreement was reached with the Left SRs, and in December their representatives entered the SNK.

Dissolution of the Constituent Assembly. On January 5, 1918, the Constituent Assembly opened, to which the Russian intelligentsia aspired so much. Its meeting lasted only 12 hours, but the significance of this event goes far beyond this short period.

The Socialist Revolutionary Party won the elections - more than 40% of the votes, the Bolsheviks were in second place - more than 23% of the votes.

The Cadets completely failed in the elections - 5%, the Mensheviks - less than 3%. The conflict between the Constituent Assembly and the Soviet government was inevitable.

On January 5 (18), 1918, the opening of the Constituent Assembly took place in the Tauride Palace. Right Social Revolutionary V.M. Chernov. Already in his big opening speech, the chairman challenged the Bolsheviks, declaring that "neither the Don Cossacks", "nor the supporters of an independent Ukraine" will reconcile with the "Soviet power." Further, the representative of the Bolsheviks Ya.M. Sverdlov proposed to approve the Bolsheviks' Declaration of the Rights of Workers and Exploited People, which confirmed the first legislative acts of Soviet power, proclaimed the exploitation of man and the course towards building socialism. The meeting decided to postpone the discussion of the declaration. The Bolsheviks demanded a break and went to a meeting of the faction. After the break, the representative of the Bolsheviks F.F. Raskolnikov read out a harsh declaration of the Bolshevik faction, in which the Bolsheviks of the Right Socialist Revolutionaries called the "enemies of the people" who "feed the people with promises." At about 2 am, the Bolsheviks and Left Socialist-Revolutionaries left the meeting.

At about 4 o'clock in the morning, the head of the guard of the Tauride Palace, 22 - year old sailor A. Zheleznyakov ordered those present to leave the meeting hall under the pretext that "the guard was tired". The deputies managed to put to a vote the draft laws on peace, land and republic prepared by the Social Revolutionaries.

The meeting lasted more than 12 hours. The deputies got tired, decided to take a break and resume work at 17 o'clock the same day.

In the evening of the same day, the deputies came to the next session. The doors of the Tauride Palace were locked, at the entrance there was a guard armed with machine guns.

The next day, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee adopted a decree on the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly, approved by the III All-Russian Congress of Soviets.

The Constituent Assembly provided an opportunity for the development of the country towards parliamentarism, a multi-party system and social harmony, this opportunity was missed. Socialist-Revolutionary Deputy N. Svyatitsky later wrote with bitterness that the Constituent Assembly perished not from a shout from a sailor, but from "the indifference with which the people reacted to our dispersal and which allowed Lenin to wave his hand at us:" Let them go home! "

Nevertheless, the dispersal of the legally elected representative body by the Bolsheviks exacerbated the situation in the country. The struggle for the Constituent Assembly began and continued throughout 1918.

The Constitution of the RSFSR of 1918 - the first Constitution adopted shortly after the October Revolution, the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly - had the following features.

Compared with all subsequent Soviet Constitutions, as the first Constitution, it, like the first Constitution, did not rely on the principle of continuity of constitutional development, determined the foundations of the structure of society at the constitutional level for the first time, being guided by the slogans under which the Bolsheviks headed by Lenin came to power, and relied on the first decrees of the Soviet government, adopted before mid-1918

This Constitution completely crossed out all the previous state and legal experience of the former Russia, left no stone unturned from state institutions and structures of the latter. Meanwhile, on April 23, 1906, the Basic State Laws were adopted, which, although they were not officially called the Constitution, were actually such. These laws were an impressive legal framework, consisting of 11 chapters and 124 articles, including the main state and legal institutions.

As befits a constitution, laws were endowed with special legal force, they were changed in a special order. So, the legislative initiative to amend the Basic Laws belonged exclusively to the emperor, but he could not change them on his own.

For the first time in their history, the Basic Laws proclaimed civil rights and freedoms: inviolability of the person, home, freedom of movement, place of residence, freedom of the press, speech, assembly, conscience, etc. With the acquisition of these rights, the subjects of Russia became its citizens. The Constitution of Russia in 1906 belonged to the closed ones, i.e. granted by the monarch, for which she was criticized in the pre-revolutionary period. However, this procedure for adopting the first constitutions was typical for most countries of the world.

Of all Soviet Constitutions, the 1918 Constitution was most ideologized, had an openly class character. It completely denied the general democratic concept of the people as the bearer and source of the state's sovereignty. It asserted power for the Soviets, for the working population of the country, united in urban and rural Soviets. The constitution directly affirmed the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Guided by the interests of the working class as a whole, the Constitution deprived individuals and individual groups of rights that these individuals or groups of individuals used to the detriment of the interests of the socialist revolution.

The 1918 Constitution also differs from the subsequent ones in a significant number of program provisions, defining in many of its articles the goals to be achieved in the future by the Constitution. This refers to the provisions on the federal structure of Russia, established in the virtual absence of subjects, to the fixation of certain rights of citizens, aimed at the possibility of their implementation in the future.

Among distinctive features The 1918 Constitution refers to the exit of its norms and provisions beyond the scope of domestic regulation. It includes the establishment of a purely political nature, moreover, focused on the entire world community. So, in Art. 3 was consolidated as the main task "... the elimination of any exploitation of man by man, the complete elimination of the division of society into classes, the ruthless suppression of the exploiters, the establishment of the socialist organization of society and the victory of socialism in all countries ...". In Art. expressed an adamant determination to wrest humanity from the clutches of finance capital and imperialism ...

All the noted features of the Constitution of 1918 characterize it as a constitution of a revolutionary type, adopted as a result of a violent change in social and state system, rejecting all previous legal institutions that existed before the coup or revolution.

constitution civil federative revolution

Having seized power as a result of the victory of the October Revolution, the Bolsheviks immediately set about reorganizing Russia. They realized their ideas under the slogan of the dictatorship of the proletariat, the state form of which was the Soviets. They became the main organs of central and local government. At the II All-Russian Congress of Soviets, the Council of People's Commissars (SNK) was formed.

V.I.Lenin became its chairman. Attempts by a number of parties and organizations to oust Lenin and his supporters from the government, to create a coalition (or homogeneous) socialist government were resolutely suppressed. The decree on the formation of the Council of People's Commissars determined the list of people's commissariats (people's commissariats) and the commissars who headed them. At first, the People's Commissariats were, in fact, the former ministries of the Provisional Government. Their tasks were to ensure continuity in management, suppress the sabotage of employees of the old institutions, and also attract workers and revolutionary-minded specialists to the apparatus.

But gradually the Bolsheviks began to create "their" governing bodies. One of them is the High Council national economy (VSNKh), " main Headquarters socialist industry ". The Supreme Council of the National Economy was established by decree of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee on December 2, 1917 and was formed as an elected collegial body intended to organize the entire national economy and financial affairs of the Soviet Republic. It includes representatives of the All-Russian Council of Workers' Control, the Central Council of Factory Committees, and branch trade unions; N.N. Osinsky (Obolensky) headed the Presidium of the Supreme Council of National Economy, then (from February 1918) - A.I. Rykov. The apparatus of the Supreme Council of the National Economy included the former state regulatory bodies, the boards of the largest trusts and syndicates. A network of territorial SNKhs (regional, provincial, etc.), which had relative independence, arose in the localities. The supreme body, the decisions of which were binding on all subjects of economic activity, was the congress of the Soviets of the National Economy. Thus, the system of economic organs was created in accordance with the ideas of the Bolsheviks about democracy in the sphere of production.

Initially, the Bolsheviks did not plan to create any punitive organs. They believed that in the event of an internal threat, the Soviets, elected courts, and the people's militia would be able to cope with this task. Their hopes did not come true. Then, by a resolution of the Council of People's Commissars of December 20, 1917, an All-Russian Extraordinary Commission for Combating Counter-Revolution, Sabotage and Speculation (VChK) was formed under him.

F.E.Dzerzhinsky was the head of the board of the Cheka. However, as the situation in the republic aggravated, the Cheka began to turn into "the punishing sword of the dictatorship of the proletariat," which did not recognize any laws. On January 15, 1918, by a special decree of the Council of People's Commissars, the Workers 'and Peasants' Red Army (RKKA) was created on a voluntary basis; by May, the Red Army numbered about 300 thousand soldiers. Its class revolutionary character was ensured by the institution of political commissars. The military department was managed by the collegium of the People's Commissariat for Military and Naval Affairs (People's Commissariat for Military Affairs) and the Revolutionary Military Council (Revolutionary Military Council, RVS). They were headed by a purely civilian man, but extremely popular in those years - L. D. Trotsky. The further process of professionalization of the Red Army is associated with it: the abolition of the principle of elective commanders, the involvement of military specialists, the establishment and transformation of the system of military educational institutions, the abandonment of the principle of voluntariness in the formation of the army and the transition to universal military duty, introduced in the summer of 1918.

The issues of culture and public education were dealt with by the State Commission on Education under the Central Executive Committee, which included representatives of Soviet bodies, professional associations of workers in culture and public education, students, cultural and educational organizations, national associations, and the Supreme Council of the National Economy. She developed a general plan for the organization of public education and cultural events, their financing and material support. Supervised the work of the People's Commissariat of Education (People's Commissariat for Education), headed by A.V. Lunacharsky.

Workers' control. From a drawing by S. S. Boim.

One of the new organs of Soviet power was the People's Commissariat of Nationalities (Narkomnats), which was in charge of issues of nation-building in Soviet Russia. It was headed by JV Stalin, who was considered in the party as a specialist on the national question. The revolution in Russia took place at the time of the rise of national movements, the growth of tendencies towards the disintegration of a single state. The Declaration of the Rights of the Peoples of Russia, adopted in early November 1917, proclaimed the right of peoples to self-determination up to the formation of their own state.

Thus, Finland, Poland, Ukraine, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan found themselves outside Russia. The peoples that remained part of Soviet Russia united into autonomous republics within the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR).

This is how the “demolition of the old state machine and the construction of a new Soviet apparatus” looked like in the first months after October. Moscow became the capital of the RSFSR in March 1918. Due to the threat of a German offensive after the breakdown of peace negotiations with Germany, the main state institutions moved there (see Moscow - the capital of Russia).

Initially, the Bolsheviks allowed other socialist parties to participate in political life, subject to their recognition of Soviet power, and the Left Social Revolutionaries for some time (from December 1917 to March 1918) even entered the SNK. But due to opposition to the policies of the Bolsheviks, they were expelled from the Soviets. First - the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries, expelled by the decree of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of June 14, 1918, then - the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries after the mutiny of July 6, 1918. Thus, political power acquired the features of a one-party dictatorship of the Bolsheviks. The RCP (b) directed the activities of all state bodies, as well as trade unions and public organizations. The new government began the reworking of economic relations with the nationalization of state property and its transfer into the hands of the state. Banks, financial institutions, and railways were nationalized.

On this basis, the state sector of the economy, called socialist, arose. The Bolsheviks' identification of the state and socialist sectors led to an exaggeration of the role of state capitalism. In the work of V. I. Lenin "The Immediate Tasks of the Soviet Power" (April 1918), which was considered the economic program of the Bolsheviks at the initial stage, state capitalism was viewed as an ally of socialism in establishing accounting and control. The left-wing communists (the most powerful opposition trend in the Bolshevik Party in its entire history) objected to the use of any form of state capitalism at all, relying on the workers and workers' organizations themselves to create a new economy.

In this situation, there was an attack on the private sector in industry and trade, the confiscation of enterprises from the previous owners. But the process of nationalization turned out to be not easy: of course, workers who did not know either technology or the market could neither organize production, nor supply enterprises with raw materials, fuel, and semi-finished products. Where workers' collectives took enterprises into their own hands, there was a complete revelry of amateur performances, covered by pompous revolutionary phrases. To prevent the final collapse of industry, government agencies were forced to intervene in the management of nationalized enterprises. Commissioners with special powers were sent to enterprises from the center. Relations with entrepreneurs were very difficult. Opposition to nationalization tended to entail the dismissal of directors, managers, technical staff, and the formation of a workers' board. The government's policy towards specialists was ambiguous. On the one hand, there is the attraction of specialists, the appointment of high salaries to them, on the other hand, their treatment, preference for them from the working class promoted to them.

Factory nationalization. From the drawing by I. A Deitz.

By the fall of 1918, almost all large enterprises were nationalized and transferred to the subordination of the Supreme Council of the National Economy. To manage them, branch centers and main directorates (chapters) were created. Thus, in a short time in production, there was an evolution from workers' control to workers' self-government, from it to workers' management under state control and, finally, to centralized state administration.

The reforms in the countryside were based on the Decree on Land, adopted at the Second Congress of Soviets. The People's Commissariat of Agriculture, headed by the Left Social Revolutionaries, was instructed to develop an appropriate law and implement it. Its tasks included: the division of the landowners' lands, the implementation of a new land management, the provision of peasant farms with implements, working cattle on an equalizing labor basis.

Gradually, the Bolshevik leadership began to interfere more and more in peasant affairs, which led to its clash with the Left SRs. The reason for the energetic intervention of the Bolsheviks in village life was the deterioration of the food situation in the country, the threat of famine in large industrial centers. The People's Commissariat of Food (People's Commissar A.D. Tsyurupa) was assigned to feed the cities. His commissars, who had enormous powers of power, were sent to the villages.

The committees of the poor (kombeda), where communists and the poorest elements of the village were in charge, were supposed to support the policy of the Bolsheviks in the countryside. The official appointment of the kombedi is the redistribution of bread, basic necessities and agricultural implements in favor of the poor. The kombeds helped food detachments, participated in procurement campaigns, requisitions and confiscations of food. The introduction of the kombedi caused widespread discontent among the peasants, and served as one of the factors in fueling the civil war. The peasants recoiled from the Bolsheviks.

In the fall of 1918, the most odious kombeds were disbanded or merged with the village Soviets. The dispersal of the Constituent Assembly, as well as the Brest Peace, pushed the country to war. In relation to the Constituent Assembly, the Bolsheviks behaved inconsistently. Throughout 1917, they were supporters of its convocation, at the same time putting forward the slogan: "All power to the Soviets!" After October, the Bolsheviks hoped that the elections to the Constituent Assembly would give them an advantage and that they would transfer power to the Soviets by legislative means. However, they received only 25% of the popular vote.

Peasant Russia gave preference to the Socialist-Revolutionary Party, which at that time stood on the position of non-recognition of the Soviet regime and its decrees. A clash between the Soviets and the Constituent Assembly became inevitable. The Constituent Assembly, which opened in early January, was proposed by the Bolsheviks and Left Socialist-Revolutionaries to adopt the Declaration of the Rights of the Working and Exploited People, where Russia was proclaimed the Republic of Soviets, as well as to approve the decrees adopted new government... The Socialist-Revolutionary-Menypevist majority of the assembly did not even begin to discuss these issues, but proceeded to consider the "Law on Land". Then the Bolsheviks and Left Socialist-Revolutionaries withdrew from the meeting. The next day, the Constituent Assembly was dissolved by decree of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. Thus, the last chance for agreement among the socialist parties was missed. The members of the Constituent Assembly openly went over to the side of the counter-revolution and began an active struggle against the Bolsheviks.

The peace signed in March 1918 in Brest between Germany and Soviet Russia also did not stabilize the situation in the country. Signed on conditions humiliating for Russia, far from a just "peace without annexations and indemnities", it caused sharp discontent in many strata of society, even among the Bolsheviks themselves. Only thanks to the incredible efforts of V.I. Lenin, who at any cost sought to preserve Soviet power, the peace was signed. But the peaceful respite was very short. In May 1918, hostilities began in various regions of the country, which in the summer escalated into a bloody civil war (see White movement, Civil War and military intervention 1918 - 1922).

What are the main results of the policy pursued by the Bolsheviks in the first post-revolutionary period?

The main results of the policy of the Bolsheviks in the first post-war period was the formation of new authorities, the adoption of decrees that laid the social, political, economic foundations of a new society and state, and the Constitution of the RSFSR, the creation of a new army.

Remember from the course new history or find in reference books when the Gregorian calendar was adopted?

The Gregorian calendar was first introduced by Pope Gregory XIII in Catholic countries on October 4, 1582

How was the army of the Russian Empire recruited?

The army of the Russian Empire was completed on the basis of conscription, which was subject to the entire male population without distinction of states from the age of 21. Service life in ground forces was 15 years - 6 years of active service and 9 years in reserve (in the Navy, the term of active service was 7 years). The appeal did not apply to the Cossacks, the peoples of Transcaucasia, Central Asia and Siberia

What do you think, what reasons forced the tsarist officers to serve in the Red Army?

Tsarist officers could go to serve in the Red Army out of their hearts, wishing to serve their homeland. This is how General Bonch-Bruyevich recalled "More by instinct than by reason, I was drawn to the Bolsheviks, seeing in them the only force capable of saving Russia from collapse and complete destruction." Many came from necessity and need - service in the Red Army made it possible to provide for themselves and their families. Also, many served under duress, fleeing to the anti-Bolshevik forces at the first opportunity, but many families were in the position of hostages to the Bolsheviks.

1. Name the first decrees, decisions of the Soviet government, indicate their main tasks.

Power decree

Peace Decree - proclaimed Russia's withdrawal from the war, called on all the belligerents to a democratic peace without annexations and indemnities.

Decree on Land - abolished private ownership of land, the establishment of equal land use with periodic redistribution of land

Decree on the formation of the Workers 'and Peasants' Government - formed the first composition of the Council of People's Commissars headed by Lenin

Decree on the introduction of an eight-hour working day

Declaration of the rights of the peoples of Russia - proclaimed the equality of the peoples of Russia, their

the right to self-determination up to separation and education of an independent

states, the abolition of national and religious privileges, the free development of national minorities

Decree on the abolition of estates and civilian ranks - the class division of society was abolished, all ranks and titles were abolished. Were equalized in civil rights men and women.

Decree on the court - initiated the demolition of the old judicial system

The decree on the separation of church from state and school from church - consolidated the secular nature of the Russian Republic, proclaimed freedom of conscience and religion, deprived religious organizations of any property rights

Decree on the introduction of the Western European calendar in the Russian Republic

2. How was the Red Army built? What was its main difference from the army of the Russian Empire?

The Red Army, unlike the Russian Imperial Army, was built not on the principle of universal conscription, but on a volunteer basis. However, with the outbreak of the civil war, in July 1918, a decree was published on universal military service for the male population aged 18 to 40 years. The main difference was the institution of commissars, who monitored and controlled the activities of commanders, especially from former tsarist officers.

3. Why did the Bolsheviks agree to convene the Constituent Assembly?

The idea of \u200b\u200ba Constituent Assembly was very popular among the people, and the Bolsheviks could not simply cancel the elections. In addition, they hoped to get a majority in the elections and get the Constituent Assembly to recognize their decrees for their greater legitimacy.

4. Explain the terms "democratic peace", "separate peace".

The democratic world is a world “without annexations and indemnities,” that is, without the seizure of foreign territories and without the forcible collection of material or monetary compensation from the defeated.

Separate peace - a peace treaty concluded by one of the members of the warring coalition without the knowledge and consent of the allies

5. List the conditions of the Brest Peace.

The Western regions of Belarus, Ukraine, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, and Finland were torn away from Russia.

In the Caucasus, Russia ceded the Kars and Batumi regions to Turkey.

The Soviet government stopped the war with the Ukrainian Central Rada of the UPR, pledged to recognize the independence of Ukraine in the person of the UPR government and made peace with it.

The army and navy were demobilized.

The Baltic Fleet was withdrawn from its bases in Finland and the Baltic States.

The Black Sea Fleet with all its infrastructure was transferred to the Central Powers.

Russia paid 6 billion marks of reparations plus payment of losses incurred by Germany during the Russian revolution - 500 million gold rubles.

The Soviet government pledged to stop revolutionary propaganda in the Central Powers and the allied states formed on the territory of the Russian Empire.

6. What were the features of the Constitution of the RSFSR in 1918?

The peculiarities of the Constitution of the RSFSR of 1918 consisted in the legislative establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the form of Soviet power, in the federal nature of the state structure. The workers were assigned preferential electoral rights, which were deprived of those who used hired labor.

Show on the map the territories that departed from Russia under the terms of the Brest Peace.

Finland, Poland, Estonia, Lithuania, Latvia, Belarus, Ukraine, Transcaucasia

1. What arguments did V.I. Lenin in defense of the conclusion of a separate peace with Germany?

Lenin believed that the country could no longer continue the war with Germany, because this was not allowed by the social, economic and political crises. In addition, the old tsarist army was demoralized and actually ceased to exist, and the new Red Army was just beginning to form. Lenin was also sure that peace with Germany would be concluded only for a while, and after her inevitable defeat it could be canceled.

Lenin hoped for a world revolution that would embrace all the belligerent countries, and above all Germany. This means that a temporary truce with Germany will only lead to a protraction of the war, which will provide better conditions for the revolution. Also, the conclusion of peace was in the interests of the Soviet state, tk. made it possible to direct all efforts to fight against political opponents in the outbreak of the Civil War.

1. How did the position of the Bolsheviks change in relation to the Constituent Assembly? Why? Write on behalf of V.I. Lenin's article on this issue for the newspaper.

The Bolsheviks have always been skeptical of the Constituent Assembly. Comrade Lenin correctly pointed out in his famous "April Theses" that only the proletariat, only the working class, only the working people can and must take all power into their own hands. This should be Soviet power. Nobody else, no political parties and movements that have discredited themselves, no Cadets, monarchists or Menshivik defencists, have the right to speak on behalf of the people in a constituent assembly. But this position was shared in the party until the seizure of power in October 1917. Having taken power into its own hands, the Bolshevik Party took responsibility for the fate of not only russian peoplebut also of the world proletariat. And this responsibility demanded that the Bolsheviks reconsider their position in relation to the Constituent Assembly. Since February 1917, the population was preparing for the elections of a new statehood, which means that the Bolsheviks could not simply dismiss the demands of the people. Comrade Lenin rightly judged that the Constituent Assembly, which would accept and approve the adopted II All-Russian Congress Councils Bolshevik decrees, will strengthen the power of the Bolsheviks and avoid fighting other parties that have shown their incompetence. However, this hope did not come true. The deceived people in the majority voted for the Menshevik and Socialist-Revolutionary parties, but not for the Bolsheviks. Consequently, the Constituent Assembly was transformed from an assistant in socialist construction into an enemy. Having lost hope of using this authoritative body to create the world's first socialist state of workers and peasants, and seeing in it only an obstacle on this path, the Bolsheviks decided to abolish this authority. Was Comrade Lenin right? We Bolsheviks answer - of course. However, we cannot fail to understand that the parties expelled from the Constituent Assembly will not surrender without a fight. This means that we, the Bolsheviks, are in for a real war to retain power.

2. What steps taken by the Bolsheviks in the political sphere demonstrate their desire to establish a one-party dictatorship?

The Bolsheviks demonstrated their desire to establish a one-party dictatorship by disbanding the Constituent Assembly, as well as expelling representatives of the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries, who initially supported the Bolsheviks, from the All-Russian Central Executive Committee.

3. Why V.I. Lenin called the Brest Peace Treaty "shameful", "monstrous", but nevertheless insisted on its signing?

Lanin called the Brest Peace "shameful" and "monstrous" because it was extremely unfavorable and difficult for Russia, and by signing it the Bolsheviks incurred the indignation and anger of Russian society. Nevertheless, he insisted on signing it, since the country could not continue fighting from Germany due to the final collapse of the army and economy.

4. What actions and decisions of the Soviet government contributed to the unleashing Civil War in Russia? Have these actions always been forced? Lead a discussion on this topic.

The outbreak of the Civil War was facilitated by such decisions of the Soviet government: the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly, the conclusion of the unpopular Brest Peace, cardinal transformations in the social and political spheres. The last actions were not always forced, since corresponded to the general views and designs of the Bolsheviks, who intended to build a socialist society.

6. Describe the images of the coat of arms and the flag of the RSFSR. Explain the meaning of each of the components of the Soviet symbols.

The state emblem of the RSFSR was an image of a hammer and sickle on a red background in the rays of the sun and framed by ears of corn with the inscription: "RSFSR" and the motto "Workers of all countries, unite!" In the upper part of the coat of arms there is a five-pointed star. The hammer and sickle signified the unity of workers and peasants. The red background is the color of the revolution. The ears are a symbol of the vitality and prosperity of the entire state; the sun is the light of communist ideas and a carefree bright future. The motto is an international appeal to workers around the world.

The state flag of the RSFSR is a red rectangle with a width to length ratio of 5: 8, in the upper left of which were depicted the letters P, C, F, C and R.