Nicholas I, in spite of all police measures, did not manage to stifle the growing revolutionary protest inside the country.
Fearing the influence of the Western revolution on Russia, Nicholas I acted in the role of the strangler of the revolution, in the role of the gendarme of Europe. The revolution, which began in February 1848 in France, spread in March of that year to Germany and Austria. In June 1848 the first uprising of the proletariat was suppressed by the French bourgeoisie in Paris. After that, reaction in Prussia also intensified, the uprising in Vienna was strangled. Hungary became the center of the revolution in Europe, where in 1849 the revolution reached its highest development.
Having learned about the beginning of the revolutionary events in Europe, Nicholas I on February 24, 1848 gave the order for mobilization to the Minister of War Chernyshev. Preparing for a campaign in Europe to suppress the revolution, Nicholas I issued a manifesto on March 14, 1848, in which he argued that the revolution in the West allegedly threatened the integrity of Russia. At the same time, he took all measures to ensure that information about the European revolution did not penetrate into Russia.
But no matter how the tsarist government tried to hide the revolutionary events in Europe from the masses, rumors about them penetrated into Russia through all obstacles.
The reports of gendarme officials from all western provinces, from Ukraine, Belarus and especially from areas bordering on Prussia and Austria, indicate that the peasants in these areas not only talked about events in the West, but also expressed dissatisfaction with serfdom, and also stockpiled weapons. The situation has worsened not only in the border provinces, but also in the central provinces, in the most important cities of Russia: in St. Petersburg, Moscow, Kiev, etc.
In the spring of 1848, unrest over a cholera epidemic broke out in the country. The situation in Petersburg was so tense that the nobility and the bureaucratic leaders of Petersburg fell into a panic when they heard the rumor that the guards would leave Petersburg. This panic subsided only when it became clear that a battalion from each regiment of the guards and grenadier corps had been left in Petersburg. So, the tsar, his government and reactionary noble circles hated the revolution of 1848.
The tsar and the reactionary feudal nobility received support in this respect among the liberal nobility and liberal-bourgeois elements - in the person of the Westernizers and Slavophiles.
The revolution of 1848 showed the true face of the Westernizers and Slavophiles. As we saw earlier, the Westernizers - Chicherin, Botkin, Annenkov and others, who at first welcomed the revolution of 1848, after the June action of the proletariat resolutely abandoned it and condemned it very sharply. The Slavophils held the same reactionary positions.
But the revolutionary democrats reacted very differently to the revolution of 1848. In the person of Belinsky, Herzen, Ogarev, they greeted her. Young Chernyshevsky has entries in his diary, from which it is clear with what approval he treated the revolutionary events of 1848 in the West. Petrashevites also greeted them. Chaadaev wrote an appeal in connection with the revolution, which was later found in a manuscript, in one of the books in his library. Thus, there is no doubt that the events of 1848 influenced in a revolutionary way the views of the best progressive people in Russia and the masses. Nicholas I took all measures to suppress this. To ensure "order" in Russia, Nicholas I flooded Poland, the Baltic states and the Right-Bank Ukraine with troops, pulling up to 400 thousand soldiers there. In June 1848 the tsarist troops occupied Moldavia and Wallachia, where revolutionary fermentation also took place. In Moldova and Wallachia (Romania), the people expelled the rulers and elected a provisional government that proclaimed the independence of Moldova and Wallachia, equality of citizens in taxation, and the establishment of freedom of the press. After the occupation of Moldavia and Wallachia by the tsarist troops, all revolutionary transformations were canceled and the old order was restored there. The Turkish sultan also took part in the suppression of the revolution in Moldavia and Wallachia. In 1849, the Balto-Liman Convention was concluded between Russia and Turkey, which set the goal of both states to prevent revolutionary coups in Moldova and Wallachia. According to the Balto-Liman Convention in Moldavia and Wallachia, the election of the rulers and legislative divans (councils) was eliminated; Russian and Turkish commissars were planted to rule. Having put the troops on alert and suppressed the revolutionary ferment in Moldavia and Wallachia, Nicholas I expected to have an official reason to send the army to suppress the revolution in Hungary. Soon the Austrian emperor officially turned to Nicholas I for help. In May 1849, a convention was signed stating that the tsarist troops should be maintained at the expense of Austria and that their actions should be independent. In July 1849, about 150 thousand Russian troops under the command of Paskevich moved to Hungary; large military forces were also deployed to Transylvania.
The army sent to Hungary was to act together with the 100,000-strong Austrian army against the revolutionary Hungarian army. The number of revolutionary Hungarian troops was about 200 thousand people.
Soon the tsarist troops occupied the center of the movement - the city of Debrecen, but the Hungarian army was not defeated.
The surrender of the revolutionary Hungarian troops was prepared by the betrayal of the commander-in-chief of the Hungarian army, Gergey. He issued an order for the army, in which he openly called for an end to the struggle, which led to the defeat of the Hungarian revolution. Marx wrote that Gergey's party "... broke the resistance to the Hungarian revolution." Tsarism fulfilled its gendarme role and extinguished the center of the revolution in Europe.
The suppression of the revolution in Hungary was also supported by the British bourgeois government. Lord Palmerston said, "Get it over with soon."
During the actions of the tsarist troops in Hungary, both among the soldiers and among the officers of the Russian army, there were cases of sympathy for the rebels and going over to the side of the revolutionary troops.
So, Captain Gusev created a secret military group, which discussed measures to help the revolutionary Hungarian army. Seven members of this group, led by Gusev, were executed, while others were exiled to Siberia. There have been cases of group transition to the side of the revolutionary troops and participation in battles with them. In Bem's army, according to Vasiliev, who was captured by Russian troops, 60 people fought on the side of the rebels. At Debrecen, 13 soldiers went over to the side of the revolution, there were cases of going over to the side of the revolutionary troops and individual officers (Rembovsky, Rumkovsky, etc.). While the Russian troops were in Hungary, separate appeals were written calling on the soldiers to go over to the side of the revolution. Thus, although a mass protest against the gendarme policy of Nicholas I in Europe did not appear in the Russian army at that time, the most advanced officers and soldiers of the Russian army, following the revolutionary democrats, sharply condemned it and went over to the camp of the revolution.
After the suppression of the 1848 revolution, Nicholas I began to pursue an even more reactionary course in domestic politics. He created in April 1848 a secret censorship committee chaired by Buturlin, which carried out the strictest censorship in the country, and also intensified the repression of the revolutionary movement.
The suppression of the revolution in Europe freed the hands of the governments of the main European countries. In this regard, the contradictions between them once again intensified, especially in the Balkans and the Middle East, which soon led to the Crimean War.
Popular site articles from the "Dreams and Magic" section
If you had a bad dream ...
If you had some kind of bad dream, then it is remembered by almost everyone and does not leave the head for a long time. Often a person is frightened not so much by the content of a dream itself, but by its consequences, because most of us believe that we see dreams not in vain. As scientists have found out, a person dreams of a bad dream most often already in the morning ...The suppression of the revolution in Hungary by Russian troops in 1849 is considered by many historians to be almost the main foreign policy mistake of Nicholas I. However, an objective analysis shows that this intervention was a completely rational and inevitable step.
Criticism of the decision adopted by Nicholas I is based on two theses. Firstly, there were obvious losses in the image, since Russia has since been given the nickname "the gendarme of Europe." Second, just five years later, the Habsburgs will oppose their savior, and Russia will have to keep troops on the Austrian border, which will be so lacking near Sevastopol.
However, Nicholas I did not make any mistake.
Field marshal kneeling
The revolutions that broke out in Europe in 1848 are called “the spring of nations”. Demands for democratic reform were intertwined with aspirations for independence and attempts to unite nations split into small states. 
Russia looked against the general background as an unshakable bastion of autocracy. Revolutionary fermentation was not observed even in the Kingdom of Poland, which was ruled with an iron hand by Field Marshal Ivan Fyodorovich Paskevich, who bore the title of Prince of Warsaw.
The hardest thing was for Austria, which, due to the large number of peoples inhabiting it, was often called the "patchwork empire". 
Hungary, led by the revolutionary government of Lajos Kossuth, embarked on a course of creating an independent republic. At the same time, the Slavic peoples demonstrated loyalty to the house of the Habsburgs, since they hoped to achieve an equal rights with the Germans and Hungarians.
In the spring of 1849, the most capable Hungarian military leader Arthur Görgei inflicted a series of defeats on the Austrians, which greatly alarmed Nicholas I. The vacuum that was supposed to form on the site of the staggering Austrian Empire would have been filled by a new European power - Hungary, in whose army the leading command positions were occupied by Polish generals. noted in the anti-Russian uprising of 1831. Galicia would have also become part of Hungary, where in 1846, with the complicity of the Austrian authorities, Ukrainian peasants staged a massacre of Polish landowners. The Poles dreamed of putting "cattle in place" and then using Galicia as a springboard for inciting rebellion, and then invading Russian Poland. 
Nicholas I and Paskevich did not like this scenario in any way, and they decided to help the Austrians, who, moreover, simply prayed for it.
On May 3, 1849, Field Marshal-Lieutenant Count Kaboga, who arrived in Warsaw, handed Paskevich a letter from the head of the Austrian government, Prince Schwarzenberg, in which he informed that the Hungarians were in several transitions from the capital of Austria and without the help of the Russians, its fall was inevitable. Save Austria! Kaboga pleaded. "Every day, every hour is precious!" - and, falling to his knees, kissed the hand of Prince Varshavsky.
Duel of wits
Paskevich needed to make a decision immediately. It was possible to obtain the sanction of Nicholas I, who was in Moscow, only after 12-15 days - an unacceptable period.
The 10,000th detachment of Lieutenant General Panyutin was formed as a "fire brigade", the personnel of which were supplied with a four-day ration and, after being put in wagons, were sent along the Warsaw-Vienna railroad to the capital of Austria. This was the first case of the transfer of troops by rail in Russian military history. 
Soon, learning that Görgei did not begin to advance on Vienna, Paskevich ordered Panyutin to stop at Gradisch and join the Austrian Main Army of Field Marshal Gainau.
On May 16, Nicholas I arrived in Warsaw, and five days later - the Austrian Emperor Franz Joseph. The agreement they signed on May 29 determined the order and objectives of the allies' actions. For their help in defeating the Hungarians, the Austrians pledged to ensure the supply of the 100-thousandth Russian army with transport, food and ammunition, and if it was impossible to cover all the needs and compensate for the costs incurred in money.
The enemy, including militia units, had an army of nearly 200,000. The main, or Upper Danube army of Görgey consisted of approximately 45 thousand bayonets and sabers. However, before on their way, Paskevich's troops would have had to cross weapons with the 25,000-strong Upper Tisza army of Dembinsky, defending the exits from the Carpathians to the Hungarian plains. The 30,000th South Tisza army of Pregel tried to neutralize Jelachich's South Austrian army equal in number. Józef Boehm was in Transylvania with 60 thousand, but his destruction was part of the task of General Leaders, acting independently of the Russian corps. Up to 50 thousand were in the reserve and fortress garrisons. 
Having crossed the mountains, the Russian troops had to reach a huge plain, cut from north to south by the Tisza River, cross this water line and then push the enemy westward to Weizen.
Thus, Görgei had to find himself between the Russian hammer and the Austrian anvil.
"Why do you hate us?"
On June 15, 1849, Paskevich's troops marched towards the Carpathians. At the army was the 22-year-old son of the emperor, Grand Duke Konstantin Nikolaevich - in the future a famous reformer and general-admiral of the Russian fleet.
The Slavic population of the "patchwork empire" greeted the tsarist troops with enthusiasm. “There was a rumor that the Russian army had moved on the Hungarians, and no one doubted that they were finished ... They told how big, strong and terrible these Russians were, and that they didn’t need guns, and they went to the assault with huge stranded scourges, and whomever they reach will not get up. "
On June 23, a successful battle for the Russians with a 5,000-strong detachment of General Vysotsky near the town of Shamosh took place. Here is what the participant of the campaign Likhutin tells about him: “Our troops, which overtook the enemy for the first time, seized him with fierceness; hand-to-hand fighting ensued immediately. Of the units following behind, who were probably already in bivouacs, the Cossacks and whoever could galloped forward alone and rushed into battle. It was said that in single battles, the opponents, breaking their weapons, tormented each other with their hands and teeth ... Although the matter was small, his impression on the Hungarians, apparently, was very strong. I myself happened to hear in Kashau the next day after the Samos affair the questions of the Magyars; "Why are you fighting with us with such ferocity? What have we done to you?"
In an effort to facilitate the supply, and at the same time capture the bridge across the Tissa, Paskevich moved the 4th corps to Tokai, famous for its wines.
The Russian cavalry rushed through the city on the move, but then fell under fire from the enemy artillery standing on the opposite bank and lost several people killed. Several shots were fired from private houses. Then let us give the floor to Likhutin: “At the first shots from the windows, the soldiers naturally rushed to the houses from which they fired, broke down doors and gates, threw small barricades in the entryway and gates, and burst into the houses. Some residents, including one woman, were captured with guns still smoking from the shots, all of whom died; the massacre was swift and strangled the people's war, if it was possible, at the very beginning ... " 
Is it possible to agree with Likhutin, especially when you consider that the legitimacy of the Russian people's war in 1812 he himself does not question, the question is complex. However, the memoirist described the results of such a brutal lesson quite convincingly. According to him, during the entire campaign of 1849: “Our people drove along the roads one by one, on horseback or in carriages and carts, like at home. However, during the entire continuation of the war, no incident and misfortune happened to any officer; residents everywhere remained calm and even single people were received calmly and hospitably. Accidents happened only with the lower ranks, who were always drunk. "
In Tokay, the Russians faced a dangerous enemy - cholera, which rapidly spread in the heat in the marshy plains of the Tissa. 
Meanwhile, the government of Lajos Kossuth was evacuated to Szegedin, while Buda and Pest were occupied by the Austrians. On July 11, Gainau and Görgei fought at the walls of the Comorne, after which both armies headed towards Pest in a race, moving along the opposite banks of the Danube. The Hungarians walked along the left bank, and near Weizen, where in the foothills the Danube channel turned south, Görgey was to be intercepted by Paskevich. Indeed, on July 15, the Hungarian vanguard stumbled upon Bebutov's cavalry regiment.
Having occupied the heights surrounding Weizen, the Hungarians repulsed the cavalry and horse artillery that had rushed to the aid of Bebutov under the command of General Zass. The battle escalated into an artillery duel, which subsided with the onset of darkness.
Memoirists were surprised that Paskevich brought troops into battle reluctantly and did not try to launch a serious offensive against the enemy. The reasons for this strange behavior are obvious. The Field Marshal pushed his opponent south - into the "embrace" of the Austrians, who had to do all the bloody work. However, the overly energetic actions of Zass frightened Görgei away, and he, changing the route of his movement, decided to move northeast - to Tokai and Debrechin. This meant that the prince of Warsaw would have to deal with him. 
On July 17, Russian troops patted the enemy's rearguard, forcing him to choose from all possible roads to Tokay the most inconvenient ones, passing through mountain gorges. Görgei himself was wounded in the head, and his troops were so demoralized that during one of the stops they fell into a panic, mistaking the drum signal “rise” for the signal “alarm”.
Apart from cholera, events developed for the Russians according to a perfectly acceptable scenario. During this period, there were even voices in Hungary that it would be good to proclaim the country an independent kingdom headed by the son of the Russian emperor, Grand Duke Konstantin Nikolaevich.
Meanwhile, Görgei decided to turn sharply to the south in the Tokay region in order to move to join the South Tisza army. He himself with the main forces moved through Gross-Vardane, and along a more obvious route for the Russians - through Debrichin - he sent the thousandth corps of Nagi-Shandor, which on August 2 was defeated by Paskevich.
Nicholas I, congratulating the field marshal on the victory, expressed regret that Görgei himself had left. In his reply, Prince Varshavsky remained equanimous: “Görgei knows war and he can only be destroyed by maneuvering, not fighting. He will not fight, realizing his weakness. I will lock him in a ring, although it is difficult for me to maneuver, having 4 thousand carts behind me. "
In Transylvania, on July 31, Leader defeated Bem at Shegeshwar, after which he moved west to Arad, helping to tighten the loop in which Görgey fell. Bem rushed ahead of his winner. Joining the Dembinsky army and actually removing his compatriot from the command, he tried to breathe morale into the despondent army by moving on the Austrians. 
On August 9, the Battle of Temeshvar broke out, in which the victory remained with Gainau, and where Panyutin's detachment showed itself magnificently. Bem's companion, Vysotsky, wrote that the remnants of the defeated troops "wandered in small parties along various roads, soldiers without officers, officers without soldiers, artillery dispersed at random ... No one had the desire to fight, everyone demanded that they enter into negotiations."
And what about Görgei? He could only cut circles, which were getting narrower. And he preferred to lay down his arms, "betraying the Hungarian people and, in particular, the officers who had previously served in the ranks of the Austrian troops, excluding only himself, the magnanimity and justice of the Russian Tsar."
The surrender took place on August 13, 1849 in the vicinity of Vilagos. Around 30,000 Hungarian troops surrendered. Many captured generals were later shot by the Austrians as traitors. Görgey Paskevich managed to protect. He died in 1916 at the age of 98!
The losses of Russians in the Hungarian campaign in the dead and killed reached 12 thousand, and eleven out of every twelve people became victims of cholera.
The disputes with Vienna regarding compensation for the expenses incurred by the Russians continued for a long time. The irritated Paskevich wrote to the emperor about the Austrians: "In gratitude for their salvation, they are capable of much."
What exactly was the best guess of Prince Schwarzenberg, who shrewdly predicted that "Austria will still surprise the world with its ingratitude." 
Sadly, but even if Nicholas I knew in advance what form this ingratitude would take, in 1849 he would still have saved the Habsburgs. After all, if during the Crimean War Austria still limited itself to diplomatic demarches, then Republican Hungary inevitably joined the Anglo-French-Turkish alliance, and a new anti-Russian uprising would break out in the Kingdom of Poland. And then the Crimean War would have ended much worse.
Battles that changed the course of history 1945-2004 Baranov Alexey Vladimirovich
Part XIII THE SUPPRESSION OF THE ANTI-COMMUNIST REVOLUTION IN HUNGARY (1956)
THE SUPPRESSION OF THE ANTI-COMMUNIST REVOLUTION IN HUNGARY (1956)
61. The beginning of the revolution and military intervention in it by the USSR
Prehistory of the Hungarian events of 1956Hungary is a small, landlocked country in Central Europe. Territory - 93 thousand km2, the population in 1956 was about 9 million people. The capital is Budapest. During the Second World War, it was occupied by Soviet troops, which helped local communists to come to power. Hungary was part of the Soviet military-political bloc and bordered on socialist countries (Czechoslovakia, USSR, Romania and Yugoslavia) from three cardinal points (north, east and south). Austria was its neighbor only to the west.
Stalinist Rakosi.Since the 1940s. Hungary was ruled by Matthias Rakosi, an orthodox Stalinist. The regime he established was considered harsh even by Stalinist standards. As noted later in one of the official documents, only “from January 1951 to May 1953, the police issued 850 thousand sentences to individuals. From 1950 to the end of the first quarter of 1953, 650 thousand people were tried in the courts of various instances, and indictments were issued against 387 thousand of them. In 1952-1955. judicial and police investigations were launched against a total of 1,136 thousand people, 46 percent of whom were punished. All of this ... eventually led to a crisis. "
Shortly after the June uprising in the GDR (1953), Rakosi's time finally ran out. Moscow appointed Imre Nagy to the posts of party and state leader. He had a reputation as a communist reformer and enjoyed less tyrannical methods of government than his predecessor. Apparently, the new Soviet leaders did not like this. In 1955, I. Nagy was removed, and M. Rakosi returned to the helm of the state. Mass terror and repression prevailed again. M. Rakosi spoke out against even the slightest democratic changes in the country. I. Nagy was expelled from the party, however, unlike in previous times, he was left at large and even wrote and published a treatise that called into question the right of the Soviet Union to interfere in the internal affairs of fraternal communist states.
Parish of Erne Gere.After the condemnation of the personality cult of Stalin at the XX Congress of the CPSU (February 1956), M. Rakosi was again removed, this time in favor of his close associate Erne Gere. And although E. Gere declared himself a nationalist, he was so closely associated with Rakosi that he could not become an independent political figure.
Secret plans of the Soviet troops.The Berlin uprising forced the Soviet leadership to closely monitor the countries of the socialist camp. In order for the troops to be constantly ready to eliminate new "riots" in the vassal countries, the command developed special top secret action plans for units and formations during punitive actions.
In mid-July 1956, a group of military leaders, headed by General of the Army A.I., arrived in Hungary to inspect the Soviet troops located there - the Special Corps. Antonov. It was found that there was no special plan in the Special Corps, and this was reported to the Minister of Defense G.K. Zhukov. The Marshal gave the order - and by July 20 appeared the "Plan of Combat Actions of the Special Corps to restore public order in Hungary." The document was named "Wave". The call sign "Compass" was set as the signal to start action.
The beginning of the Hungarian anti-communist revolution.By this time, the reburial of the remains of Laszlo Rajk and other Hungarian political figures, who were innocently executed in 1949, caused an intensification of the social and political life of Budapest.
Moscow has taken preventive measures. On October 19, the 108th Airborne Regiment of the 7th Airborne Division was put on alert and on October 20 was ready to take off from Kaunas and Vilnius airfields. On October 21, the Special Corps directorate checked the readiness of the subordinate troops for action according to the Volna plan.
Demands of the demonstrators.October 23 at 15 o'clock at the monument to the hero of the Hungarian revolution of 1848-1849. General I. Bem (Pole by nationality) gathered about 50 thousand protesters. They laid flowers at the foot of the monument, pronounced toasts in honor of the strengthening of Hungarian-Polish friendship, put forward slogans against the discredited Hungarian Labor Party and the government, and then went to the parliament building. By evening, about 200 thousand people had gathered there. Those gathered demanded the co-optation of I. Nagy into the government, the abolition of the decisions of the Central Leadership of the Hungarian Party of Labor (CR VLT), which condemned the activities of the revisionists, the resignation of the rakoshist leadership, the rehabilitation of innocent convicts, the publication of fabricated materials. political processes... A significant part of the population of Budapest supported the demonstrators.
At 19 o'clock, the head of the party E. Gere called soviet ambassador Yu.V. Andropov and to Moscow. He asked for the involvement of Soviet troops to disperse the demonstrators. At 20 o'clock, his speech sounded on the radio, where the participants in the march were called counter-revolutionaries. This only exacerbated the situation.
The monument to Stalin was overturned.After E. Gere's speech, the demonstrators split up: one group went to the radio building, the other to the monument to I. Stalin. At about 10 pm the huge monument to the "leader of all times and peoples" was overturned, which caused the audience to rejoice.
The first group arrived at the radio building, believing that E. Gere was speaking from there. The students wanted to explain their intentions to Gera and broadcast the demands adopted at the meeting by radio. The radio management refused to fulfill the wishes of the delegates. Then stones flew into the windows, and then a hand-to-hand fight between the defenders of the building and the rebels began, which turned into an armed struggle. This moment was the beginning of the bloody drama of October-November 1956 in Hungary.
Chronicle of the Soviet military intervention on October 23-24.In the Soviet Union at 21 hours 45 minutes. On October 23, the commander of the troops of the Carpathian military district, Army General P.I. Batov raised the 128th infantry and 39th mechanized divisions on alert. The formations received an order to cross the state border of the USSR - Hungary. The 315th regiment of the 128th division received a combat order, if necessary, to break through the border with a fight and ensure the unhindered advance of the main forces.
On the same night, an operational group of generals and senior officers was assembled in Moscow on alert. General Staff, General Staff ground forces, Of the General Staff of the Air Force in the amount of 80 people and already in the first half of the day on October 24 by aircraft were delivered to Hungary. The general command of the forces was entrusted to the First Deputy Chief of the General Staff, Army General M.S. Malipia. The task force was entrusted with the task of studying and analyzing the military-political situation in Hungary, making decisions, organizing planning and interaction between troops, and directing combat actions to "restore order."
At 22:00 on October 23, the chief of the General Staff, Marshal V.A. Sokolovsky, the Special Corps was raised on alarm and withdrawn to the concentration areas. At 23 o'clock the troops received an order to act according to the "Volna" plan.
At 00 hours 35 minutes. On October 24, the Soviet 33rd Mechanized Division in Romania was put on alert. The division commander received a combat order to cross the Romanian-Hungarian border and concentrate 15 kilometers from Budapest.
At 2 a.m. on October 24, the corps task force arrived in Budapest and set up a command post in the building of the Ministry of Defense. At 2 hours 15 minutes. The 315th regiment from the PrpkVO begins to cross the border. It is followed by the 128th and 39th divisions.
Capturing the main buildings.By 5 o'clock in the morning, Soviet troops in Budapest seize the Astoria hotel, the Kossuth radio station, the National Museum and the surrounding quarters, seize the parliament buildings, the Central District Administration of the High-Tech Republic, the State Bank, the Central Post Office, the Nyuga-ti station, and guard the military hospital and the embassy of the USSR; The heavy tank-self-propelled regiment is concentrating its efforts on taking possession of the Keleti railway station and the Corvinus facilities. Fresh parts, arriving in Budapest, almost immediately enter fighting.
Additional suppression forces.Considering that there are not enough troops to suppress the insurgents, the corps commander P.I. Laschenko summoned additional forces to Budapest. The 33rd Mechanized Division marched from Romania. Its 104th regiment went into action on the move. At the same time, the 56th mechanized and 83rd tank regiments of the 17th mechanized division of the corps entered the battles. The aircraft of the corps' 177th Air Division flew 84 intimidating flights over Budapest and other cities during the day. The scouts of the 17th division summoned to Budapest guarded A.I. Mikoyan and M.A. Suslova.
Hungarian army against its people.In the afternoon, the 7th Mechanized Division of the Hungarian People's Army arrived in Budapest from Esztergom and turned its weapons against its fellow citizens. 8th, 27th Infantry and 5th Mechanized Divisions of the 3rd rifle corps The Hungarian People's Army also did not support the rebels and began to eliminate them. From 4 to 26 October, by order of General Durko, a detachment of 340 rebels was destroyed in Kecskemet. In Sabadsalash, the revolutionaries were defeated by their troops, while 7 people were killed and 40 wounded. However, in the capital, despite the fire and power of the military formations, the rebels held many objects.
The massacre of the rebels against the communists
These days the fighting is getting more fierce. The insurgent forces are growing: the 8th mechanized regiment of the Hungarian People's Army, construction and anti-aircraft units of Budapest, officers of the M. Zrini Academy, cadets of military schools are going over to their side. The revolutionaries create the Korvpn resistance knot.
Blood was shed, killed and wounded appeared. In the cities of Szolnok, Vac, Zentes, Stalinvaros (now Du-naujvaros) and the regional center of Dunaedyhaze, "acts of vandalism" were committed over the monuments and graves of Soviet soldiers who died in the fight against fascism.
Battles in the capital. On October 25, there were fierce battles in Budapest all day. Party emissaries who arrived from the USSR M.A. Suslov and A.I. Mikoyan, at a meeting of the Politburo of the Hungarian Party of Labor, amid the roar of artillery cannon fire and the hum of bombers, recommended replacing Erpe Gere with Janos Kadar.
62. "People's Democratic Movement": days of success
Changing the nature of the crisis.The military-political crisis in Hungarian society and the army on October 23 and 24 seemed to be the beginning civil war... But as a result of outside interference, it began to take the form of a national liberation movement in defense of sovereignty, against military occupation. In many cities, rallies and demonstrations were held demanding the withdrawal of Soviet troops. The whole country was engulfed in revolt.
Peaceful demonstration
The "counter-argument" of the Soviet side was tanks and artillery - all day on October 26, fierce battles were fought in Budapest. The 2nd Mechanized Division, together with attached and supporting units, basically suppressed the insurgent forces at the targets indicated to it. In the Carpathian region, two more divisions were put on alert. The 70th Infantry Division was ordered to march and concentrate in the Debrecen-Miskolc-Nyiregyhaza regions, and the 27th Mechanized Division was ordered to march Beregovo-Nyiregyhaza-Debrecen-Solyuk.
"Freedom Fighters" and new forces against them.On October 28, the Hungarian government called the events taking place "the people's democratic movement", and the rebels - "freedom fighters". However, for the leaders in the Kremlin, this did not change anything.
New forces are sent to Hungary. On the night of October 28, the 8th mechanized army, consisting of the 11th and 32nd mechanized divisions, the 60th anti-aircraft artillery division and special units, received a combat order to cross the state border and concentrate in the eastern regions of Hungary.
One after another, military units crossed the Soviet-Hungarian border. At 12 o'clock on the same day, the 31st Guards Airborne Division was raised on alert with the task of landing on the Veszprem airfield. At this time, the rebels defended 100-120 blocks in southeastern Budapest with significant forces. Corvin's defenders rejected the surrender ultimatum. Attacks by the 33rd Mechanized Division were choking. In the sector of the 2nd Mechanized Division, fighting broke out again. On the morning of October 28, the 128th division was brought into hostilities in Budapest.
The conflict escalated into a large-scale war ... And suddenly, on October 29 at 22:00, Soviet troops received an order to cease fire.
Declaration of the government of the USSR.The reason became clear on October 30, when the government of the USSR issued a declaration "On the foundations for the development and further strengthening of friendship and cooperation between the Soviet Union and other socialist countries." The document stated: "The countries of the great commonwealth of socialist nations can build their relations only on the principles of equality, respect, territorial integrity, state independence and sovereignty, non-interference in each other's internal affairs." The same document announced that the deployment of foreign troops in a fraternal communist country requires the approval of the country itself and all members of the Warsaw Pact Organization.
However, the publication of the declaration became a purely demagogic device calculated to deceive the world public opinion... In fact, on the same day, October 30, the 31st Airborne Division landed at Veszprem airfield, and Soviet troops invading Hungary began preparations for Operation Whirlwind.
The formation of the Hungarian national government and its first actions.The publication of the declaration of the USSR government was a forced step. On October 29, I. Nagy assumed the post of prime minister at the request of the rebels. The next day, he abolished the one-party system, beginning the formation of a coalition government made up of representatives of all the democratic parties that had participated in the last free elections in 1946.
On October 29, the main part of the Hungarian People's Army went over to the side of the rebels, which finally gave the actions of the Soviet troops the character of a military intervention.
On October 30, at 17.30, I. Nagy demanded the immediate withdrawal of Soviet troops from Budapest. The Soviet side began the withdrawal, however, according to the order of the command, it was delayed under the pretext of negotiating with the revolutionary committees.
On the same day, the rebels seized the building of the Budapest City Party Committee. After many hours of skirmish between the rebels and the guards, many of the defenders of the building were killed by their own compatriots. On October 31, Soviet troops completely left Budapest. However, in the Odessa military district, the 35th mechanized division is on alert, and at night the 31st tank division of the Carpathian military district receives an order to march and concentrate by 20:00 on November 1 south of Mukachevo.
I. Nagy is trapped. On November 1, I. Nagy protested to the USSR Ambassador to Hungary Yu.V. Andropov on the Soviet invasion of his country. The ambassador promised to bring the statement to the attention of the Soviet leadership ...
I. Nagy, who all his life belonged to the ranks of cadre party workers, could not fail to know the insidiousness and hypocrisy of the Soviet leaders, and also not to understand that the processes and changes that had begun in Hungary were dangerous for them. By this time, I. Nagy found himself trapped between his own angry people and the tough and uncompromising communist "elder brother", found himself on the crest of a wave that did not obey him and was not controlled by him. The Hungarians demanded not a renewal of the communist regime, which he had previously aspired to, but its destruction, not equality with the Soviet Union, but a complete break with it.
Nagy announces his withdrawal from the Warsaw Pact Organization.On November 1, having formed a coalition government, I. Nagy took the last decisive step and announced Hungary's neutrality and its withdrawal from the Warsaw Pact Organization. He made a dignified statement on Hungarian radio, which subsequently cost him his death sentence: People's Republic.
The Hungarian people, based on their own independence and equality and in accordance with the spirit of the UN Charter, want to maintain truly friendly relations with their neighbors, with the Soviet Union and all the peoples of the world. The Hungarian people wish to consolidate and further deepen the achievements of the national revolution, without joining any of the military blocs. "
Indifference of the UN.At the same time, I. Nagy turned to the United Nations with a request to recognize Hungary's neutrality. He never received an answer.
World public opinion was rather indifferent to this statement, and the United States and its European allies did not take any steps to induce the UN to consider the message of I. Nagy urgently. In the meantime, the Soviet Union did not give in to any calls for moderation.
63. Occupation of Hungary
Preparing to "restore order."To "restore order" in Hungary, the Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU instructed G.K. Zhukov to develop a military punitive operation. The General Staff gave it the code name "Whirlwind". The command of the operation was entrusted to Marshal I.S. Konev. The contents of the operation were set out in secret order 01, signed by this marshal.
Order No. 01. According to the order, the Special Corps received a combat mission to defeat the rebels in Budapest. The 2nd, 33rd mechanized and 128th rifle divisionreinforced by secrets, artillery, paratroopers. The 8th mechanized and 38th combined arms armies received combat missions. By the end of November 3, the troops were to be in full readiness. The beginning of the operation - at the signal "Thunder-444". The fate of the uprising was a foregone conclusion ...
The 177th Air Division evacuated more than 600 families of corps officers to Ukraine from November 1 to 3. The servicemen wounded in the battles were taken to the Soviet Union.
While keeping silent about the aggression against the socialist ally, the Soviet Union angrily denounced the Anglo-French-Israeli military action against Egypt at that time, calling on the UN Security Council to take urgent measures to end it.
Bet on Y. Kadar.Of course, the party leaders in Moscow and their emissaries in Hungary could not let Hungary out of control, even in politically difficult conditions. The stake was placed on Y. Kadar. On the night of November 2, J. Kadar and F. Muinich were brought to the Soviet Union. Here the formation of a new government took place, which was subsequently delivered to Budapest by the forces of the 419th anti-aircraft artillery regiment of the 60th anti-aircraft artillery division.
"Restoring order". Occupation of Hungary.On the night of November 3, the commander of the Special Corps gave a combat order to begin the assault on Budapest at 5 hours 50 minutes the next day. At 10 o'clock in the morning, the commanders of the 8th and 38th armies issued similar orders for the simultaneous (at 0615 hours) seizure of cities and settlements throughout Hungary.
Criminal methods.To mislead I. Nagy, negotiations on the withdrawal of troops began on November 3 at 14:00. The first meeting took place in Budapest between General of the Army M.S. Malinin and Defense Minister P. Maleter. No agreement was reached. The second meeting was scheduled for 20:00 Moscow time in the Tekel airfield area. Late in the evening of November 3, the chairman of the KGB of the USSR, General of the Army I.A. Serov with a group of officers and announced the arrest of the Hungarian delegation. Defense Minister P. Maleter, Chief of the General Staff I. Kovacs, Chief of the Operations Directorate M. Syuch and F. Erdei were isolated.
To conceal the true political goals and mislead world public opinion in the troops, the order of Marshal I.S. Konev as follows.
Marshal Konev's order.
Comrades! At the end of October, in our brotherly Hungary, the forces of reaction and counter-revolution revolted with the aim of destroying the people's democratic system, liquidating the revolutionary gains of the working people and restoring the old landlord-capitalist order there ...
There is no doubt that the working class and the working peasantry of the Hungarian People's Republic will support us ...
The task ... is to provide fraternal assistance to the Hungarian people in defending their socialist gains, in defeating the counter-revolution ...
P r and c a z v and y:
To all personnel of the Soviet troops, with full consciousness of their military duty, to show persistence and firmness in carrying out the tasks assigned by the command. Provide assistance to local authorities in their activities to establish public order and establish normal life in the country…
I express my firm confidence that the soldiers and sergeants, officers and generals of the Soviet troops will fulfill their military duty with honor.
Commander-in-Chief of the Joint Armed Forces
Marshal of the Soviet Union I. Konev
A propaganda document.At first glance, one might think that this particular order set in motion the Soviet war machine. However, it is not.
If such an order were communicated to the executors, it would cause confusion and chaos in the troops. A military man understands that military documents of this kind reflect the conclusions and assessments of the situation and the enemy, the plan of action and combat missions formations and units, it is indicated what the neighbors are doing, the lines of demarcation between the acting forces, issues of interaction, the consumption of ammunition, the time of readiness of the troops, etc. Analysis shows that Order No. 1 does not meet the most elementary provisions and is simply a propaganda document.
In reality, the troops acted according to the rules prescribed by the combat manuals in accordance with another order of Marshal I.S. Konev - No. 01. The content of this order was communicated to a narrow circle of people in the strictest confidence. Documents from the archives indicate that the commanders submitted reports to their higher management about the work done to fulfill the order No. 01 of Marshal I.S. Konev.
Signal "Thunder-444".In the early morning of November 4, the signal "Thunder-444" sounded on the air. The military armada (over 60 thousand people) began to perform the tasks.
At 5 hours 50 minutes, three divisions of the Special Corps with attached and supporting units began the assault on Budapest. 2 hours later, the 2nd mechanized division captured the bridges over the Danube, the parliament building, the Central Revolutionary Committee, the Ministries of Internal and Foreign Affairs, the City Council and the Nyugati station. The 33rd division captured military depots, three bridges across the Danube. It was not possible to seize the Moscow Square, the Royal Fortress and the quarters south of Mount Gellert.
The corps troops disarmed 9 regiments and the Suvorov military school. They seized 105 tanks and self-propelled guns, 140 cars, 30 aircraft, 216 guns, 29 mortars, 95 machine guns, 30 thousand small arms, 10 weapons and ammunition depots. Formations, units and military educational institutions of the Hungarian People's Army - the 27th rifle, 7th mechanized divisions, the Academy of the General Staff and the training tank regiment them. Kossuth - there was no resistance.
The 8th Mechanized Army from 4 to 6 November captured and disarmed 32 garrisons: 1115 officers, 14 745 sergeants and soldiers, captured 36 tanks and self-propelled artillery units (ACS), 74 aircraft, 249 howitzers, 152 anti-aircraft guns, 434 artillery pieces, 837 cars. Fighting broke out in Debrecen, Miskolc, Mezökevesde, Solyuk, Kecskemete, Bekescaba. The 38th Combined Arms Army "put things in order" in the cities of Papa, Keseg, Szombathely, Zalaegerszeg, Lenti, Szekesfehervar, Tamashi, Lier, Komarom, Esterhaza, Esztergom, Tatabanya.
Results, price, consequences of the Soviet occupation of Hungary.The web of military commanders' offices enmeshed Hungary. On November 24, Marshal I.S. Konev announced the government's decision to create the Southern Group of Soviet Forces in this country. The leaders of the USSR covered up the military operation to occupy Hungary with slogans of the struggle against counterrevolution and international duty.
To "restore order" 17 combat divisions were thrown. Among them: mechanized - 8, tank - 1, rifle - 2, anti-aircraft artillery - 2, aviation - 2, airborne - 2. Three more airborne divisions were put on full alert and concentrated at the Soviet-Hungarian border - they were waiting for an order.
Contrary to decrees, pacts, conventions.The decisions of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU on military intervention and the actions of the troops canceled the Decree on Peace of 1917, opposed the Soviet Union to the Paris Briand-Kellogg Pact of 1928, which prohibited aggression and outlawed it, did not comply with the London Convention of 1933 and international law documents of 1950 -x years
By the decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, more than 10 thousand Soviet servicemen were awarded orders and medals, 26 people were awarded the title of Hero of the Soviet Union (of which 14 were posthumous). According to incomplete data, about 200 military personnel and their family members suffered damage for condemning the Soviet intervention in Hungary.
A group of Hungarian military personnel before being shot
Victims.According to official statistics, the troops lost 720 people. Sanitary losses (wounded, injured): officers - 225, soldiers and sergeants - 2035 people. The dead were buried on Hungarian soil.
The Hungarian side lost more than 5 thousand killed and 19300 wounded. I. Nagy found refuge in the Yugoslav embassy. He was guaranteed safe passage to Yugoslavia, however, as soon as he left the embassy building, he was arrested. Later, he and the Minister of Defense of Hungary, General P. Maleter, were executed. In total, the regime of Y. Kadar sentenced to death about 500 people for participating in the uprising, 10 thousand were imprisoned.
In the course of the "fraternal aid" more than one thousand Hungarians were deported to the prisons of the Soviet Union. More than 200 thousand were forced to leave their homeland. Most of them made it to the West.
UN and the Hungarian tragedy.It was only on November 4 that the United Nations finally turned to what had already become a Hungarian tragedy. The Security Council resolution calling on the Soviet Union to withdraw its troops was instantly vetoed by the Soviet representative to the UN.
At a special session of the UN General Assembly, a similar resolution was put to the vote, confirming Hungary's right to independence and requiring the sending of UN observers to Hungary. This was the second important resolution adopted by the General Assembly that day. Before that, a UN emergency force for the Middle East was formed. The resolution on the Middle East was adopted unanimously, and even Great Britain and France signed it. The resolution on Hungary, condemning the USSR for committing aggression, was adopted by fifty votes to eight, with fifteen abstentions. The USSR and its allies voted against. The leaders of the group of non-aligned countries (India, Yugoslavia) abstained, and all the Arab countries did the same.
Lessons for the regime.The resolution on the Middle East was implemented, the resolution on Hungary was unfulfilled due to the sabotage of the USSR.
The new regime of J. Kadar, drawing lessons from the events that took place in Hungary, subsequently pursued a “soft” policy towards its population, accompanied by various social and economic reforms, gradually becoming known as one of the most liberal in the socialist community. Nevertheless, in obedience to the dictates of the times, along with similar regimes in other countries of Eastern Europe, it collapsed at the end of 1989 in the course of the “velvet” anti-communist revolution and the general collapse of the world socialist system.
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And the suppression of the uprising
the Russian Empire The Russian Empire
Hungarian Revolution of 1848 was a local version pan-European revolution complicated by acute the crisis of the Austrian Empire and the growth of national identity hungarians ... The main slogans of the Hungarian revolution were the decentralization of the Austrian Empire, democratization and magyarization ... The driving force behind the revolution was the liberal middle nobility and the urban intelligentsia. However, the policy of Magyarization ran into the resistance of the Slavic peoples, led to an increase in interethnic tension and large-scale war , in which she was involved Russia (expeditionary force Paskevich). The result was a defeat for the revolution. Hungary's independence was postponed for 70 years, and the Hungarians lost their positions in Transylvania, Slovakia and Vojvodina.
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Subtitles
Prerequisites
Socio-political situation in Hungary
National movements on the eve of the revolution
| Revolution 1848-1849 years |
|---|
| France |
| Austrian empire : |
| Austria |
| Hungary |
| Czech |
| Croatia |
| Voevodina |
| Transylvania |
| Slovakia |
| Galicia |
| Slovenia |
| Dalmatia and Istria |
| Lombardy and Venice |
| Germany |
| South Prussia (Greater Poland) |
| Italian states: |
| Sicily |
| Kingdom of neapolitan |
| Papal States |
| Tuscany |
| Piedmont and Duchies |
| Poland |
| Wallachia and Moldavia |
| Brazil |
At the same time, in the 1830s. a stormy rise of the national movement began. Istvan Szechenyi came up with the idea of \u200b\u200ba broad renovation of the country, primarily in the economic sphere, and the dismantling of the feudal system. Szechenyi's speeches received a great public response and prompted many Hungarian nobles to take up political activities. Miklos Vesseleni went even further and put forward the idea of \u200b\u200beliminating absolutism and creating a constitutional monarchy in Hungary. Liberal ideas quickly spread among the nobility, especially the middle, and the intelligentsia. By the end of the 1830s. several currents of the national movement developed: the "new conservatives" (Aurel Dejovfi, György Apponyi , Shama Yoshik and Istvan Szechenyi) advocated certain democratic reforms while strengthening centralization and maintaining the dominance of the aristocracy; liberals ( Lajos Battyani , Ferenc Deak , Lajos Kossuth and, in part, Josef Eötvös) demanded the complete elimination of feudal vestiges, the introduction of democratic freedoms, the expansion of Hungary's autonomy and the transformation of the country into a parliamentary monarchy. Later, a more radical movement of students and part of the intelligentsia emerged, centered around the Young Hungary group ( Sandor Petofi , Pal Vashvari and Mihai Tancic) and speaking from the standpoint of republicanism and the need for an armed uprising.
The peculiarity of the Hungarian liberal movement was the fact that the nobility was the bearer of the ideas of democratic reforms and the driving force of the revolution. This was due to the underdevelopment of cities in Hungary, the weakness of the bourgeoisie and the historically established role of the nobility as a defender of the rights and freedoms of the Hungarian nation against foreign rule. Another significant feature of the movement was the lack of attention to the national question: the liberals believed that democratic reforms and the assertion of the priority of personal freedom would make the corporate rights of national minorities, which they considered a relic of the feudal system, unnecessary. This belief in the conditions of the Hungarian kingdom, in which representatives of the titular nation accounted for only 38% of the population, threatened an outbreak of national conflicts. In parallel with the development of the Hungarian movement, the self-awareness of other peoples of the country was strengthened - croats , serbs , slovaks , romanian and rusyns , often in conflict with the interests of the Hungarians.
Attempts at reform and their failure
At the State Assembly - Messrs. Liberals managed to achieve amnesty for political prisoners, expand the scope of the Hungarian language in the administration and approve the possibility of emancipating the peasants for ransom. In the 1840s. throughout the country a whole network of societies for social protection, mutual assistance, and support for domestic industry has emerged. The newspaper “ Pesty hirlap”Published by L. Kossuth and spreading the idea of \u200b\u200bthe immediate emancipation of the peasants and the introduction of universal taxation. In the city of Vienna, the government handed over the reins of Hungary to the new conservatives: D. Apponyi was appointed vice-chancellor of the Kingdom of Hungary, and S. Josik - Transylvania ... At the same time, centralization was strengthened, the powers of administrators and föispans, representatives of the central government in the committees, were expanded. The new state assembly, which opened in the city, however, reached a dead end due to contradictions between liberals and conservatives and was unable to make decisions on reforms.
The beginning of the revolution
On March 18, 1848, the Hungarian National Assembly approved a whole range of reforms. A law on urban obligations was adopted, eliminating corvee , landlord court, church tithe and other feudal remnants. Serfdom was abolished, and the land was transferred to the ownership of the peasants, and redemption payments to the landowners were to be paid by the state. The implementation of this reform led to the elimination of feudalism in agrarian relations and opened the way for the transition of Hungarian agriculture to capitalist rails. A law was also passed introducing universal taxation and depriving the nobility and clergy of tax privileges. Freedom of the press, inviolability of person and property, equality of Christian confessions, government responsibility before parliament were introduced, suffrage was expanded (to 7-9% of the population), and the state assembly was now to be convened annually. Was proclaimed union Hungary and Transylvania.
Hungary's radicalization
Based on the revolution created in the early days national guard the Hungarian government began to create its own army. This sparked a conflict with Vienna requiring Hungarian soldiers to suppress revolution at Italy ... Battyani agreed to send part of the Hungarian army contingents to the Italian front on condition that the king pacifies Jelacic and the Serbs and pledges not to use Hungarian soldiers to suppress the freedoms of the Italian people.
Kossuth appointed Commander-in-Chief of the Hungarian Insurgent Army Arthur Görgey ... He accelerated the training of troops and preparations for hostilities. At the same time, the Defense Committee began recruiting recruits and organization military industry... By the spring, the Hungarian army had reached the number of 170 thousand people.
In December 1848, the successful actions of the revolutionary army led by a Polish immigrant