BALTIC
BALTIC
BALTIC, th, th.
2 ... Related to the Balts, their languages, lifestyle, culture, as well as the territories of their residence, internal structure, stories; such as the Balts. Baltic languages (Indo-European family of languages: Lithuanian, Latvian, ancient Prussian). Baltic Sea. Baltic ridge (moraine ridge along the southern and southeastern coasts of the Baltic Sea).
Ozhegov's Explanatory Dictionary. S.I. Ozhegov, N.Yu. Shvedova. 1949-1992 .
Synonyms:
See what "BALTIC" is in other dictionaries:
Varangian, Baltic Dictionary of Russian synonyms. Baltic adj., number of synonyms: 2 Baltic (1) ... Synonym dictionary
Place name and surname. Personalities Baltiysky, Alexander Alekseevich Russian and Soviet military leader, brigade commander Russia Kaliningrad region Baltiysky settlement, Bagrationovsky district Stavropol Territory Baltic settlement, Kursk region ... Wikipedia
Adj. 1. Associated with the Baltic Sea. 2. Inhabited, harvested in the Baltic Sea. Efremova's explanatory dictionary. T.F. Efremova. 2000 ... Modern dictionary Russian language Efremova
baltic - Baltic Sea (Baltic Sea, B altiya, B altika, Balt Iisk) ... Russian spelling dictionary
baltic - … Spelling dictionary of the Russian language
Aya, oh. to Baltiets and Baltika. Free waters, countries. B. fleet. Common languages \u200b\u200b(a group of languages \u200b\u200bof the Indo-European language family that unites Latvian, Lithuanian and some dead languages) ... encyclopedic Dictionary
Baltic - 357855, Stavropol, Kursk ... Localities and indices of Russia
baltic - oh, oh. to the Baltic and the Baltic. Free waters, countries. Balti / ysky fleet. Common languages \u200b\u200b(a group of languages \u200b\u200bof the Indo-European language family that unites Latvian, Lithuanian and some dead languages) ... Dictionary of many expressions
baltic - balti / sk / s ... Morphemic and spelling dictionary
Baltic House ... Wikipedia
Books
- The Baltic question in Russian politics after the Nystadt Peace. ,. The book is a reprinted edition of 1907. Despite the fact that serious work has been done to restore the original quality of the publication, on some pages ...
- The Baltic question in Russian politics after the Peace of Nystadt (1721-1725). , Polievktov Mikhail Alexandrovich. The book is a reprinted edition of 1907. Despite the fact that serious work has been done to restore the original quality of the publication, on some pages ...
In the first half of the 17th century. Sweden achieved its long-standing cherished goal - asserting its dominance in the Baltic (the so-called Baltic dominate). In 1617, she finally cut off Russia from the Baltic Sea; in the 1920s, she took Livland from Poland (except for its southern part - Latgale); in 1645, the Estonian island of Ezel (Saaremaa), which previously belonged to Denmark, ceded to it. Most of all, she received from the Peace of Westphalia in 1648: from now on, the southern shores of the Baltic Sea either completely became part of the confluents of Sweden, or came under her control. The Baltic Sea has indeed become a "Swedish lake".
Thus, a great power emerged in Northern Europe after the Thirty Years' War. It had up to 3 million population, which consisted of Swedes, Finns, Karelians, Russians, Estonians, Latvians, Germans, Danes. Sweden's great-power policy violated the vital interests of Russia, Poland, Germany, Denmark and other countries interested in Baltic trade. Therefore, new military clashes between Sweden and these states were inevitable.
The economic development of Sweden in the 17th century.
During the 17th century, and especially in the second half of it, Sweden achieved notable successes in the field of industry and trade. The metallurgical industry was intensively developing in the country, high level reached shipbuilding. Sweden ranked first in Europe for the production of iron and copper. A large amount of these metals were exported abroad. Forests were of great importance in the Swedish economy. There were many sawmills and paper mills in the country, partly on water energy. Forests provided fuel for the production of iron and pig iron. Important articles of Swedish export were tar and tar, as well as timber, charcoal, furs, fish. Sweden conducted a lively trade with England, France, Holland, Denmark, Germany, Poland, Russia.
Throughout the 17th century, Sweden strove to control Russian trade in the Baltic Sea. The capture of the Karelian and Ingermanland coasts by the Swedes in 1617 forced the Russian government to increasingly expand the import and export of goods through Arkhangelsk, that is, bypassing the Swedish possessions.
Sweden also participated in colonial trade: in 1626 the Southern Company for trade with overseas countries was founded. In order to finance foreign trade and industry, the State Bank was established in 1668. The Swedish government persistently pursued, especially in the 1960s, a policy of mercantilism. Numerous protective duties were introduced, and the growth of merchant shipping was promoted. The population of the most important commercial and industrial cities was given various privileges in order to attract new residents to these cities. Government orders for weapons and military uniforms were of great importance for the development of Swedish industry.
Yet Swedish industry in the 17th century. developed rather one-sidedly. The mining industry flourished mainly; even metallurgy mainly produced semi-finished products, which were exported in the form of strip iron, which was subjected to final processing in other countries. The textile industry, the importance of which in early period capitalism is especially great, was very poorly developed. Sweden lacked the necessary raw material base for this industry (in particular, wool). The development of Swedish cities also took place at a slower pace. True, in the 17th century, several new cities appeared, including Gothenburg, founded in 1603 on the shores of the Kattegat Strait. Gothenburg was turned into a sea fortress and soon became the first commercial center in Sweden after Stockholm. But both old and new cities were small. Only in Stockholm, the capital and the only major center of the country, there were about 40 thousand inhabitants, while most other cities had no more than 4-6 thousand, rarely 10 thousand people. Only 5% of the population of Sweden in the 17th century. lived in cities. The slow growth of the urban population is due to the fact that the main branches of Swedish industry did not develop in cities, but in the mountainous and forest regions of the country. Sweden in the XVII s. remained predominantly an agrarian country, in good years it even exported grain. However, agriculture in the conditions of a limited amount of fertile lands on the Scandinavian Peninsula, a significant part of which is occupied by barren rocks, forests and lakes, could not develop particularly intensively. In lean years, feeding the population of Sweden with bread became an acute problem.
The agrarian question and the position of the peasantry
The dominant class in Sweden in the 17th century. there was the nobility. The richest and most influential was his upper, aristocratic stratum - the counts and barons. Having grown rich during the Thirty Years' War, the aristocracy was able to take advantage of the period of weakening of the central government after the death of King Gustav II Adolf. The reign of the daughter of Gustav II Adolf Queen Christina (1632-1654) was the time of the greatest domination of the aristocracy, which was joined by representatives of the newly advanced families.
Falun mines. Engraving by I. van der Awelen 1701
Having in their hands the Riksrod (state council) and part of the Riksdag (the body of estate representation), as well as the most important government posts in the country, the feudal nobility in the middle of the 17th century. finally took shape as the highest privileged class. The external expression of this was a significant increase in the number of the names of the titled nobility, entered into special lists and thus isolated into a closed corporation. In 1632, there were only 4 counts and 9 baronial families in Sweden, and in 1654 there were already 76 titled noble families.
The feudal nobility strove to expand their land ownership in every way. The seizure of almost all crown estates, the feudal lords obtaining the right to collect taxes from the peasants in their favor (the feudal lords themselves were exempted from paying taxes on their hereditary estates) and the plundering of communal lands were accompanied by an offensive against the poava of the peasants, who increasingly fell into the subordination of landowners. They joined the ranks of the so-called freelian peasants ( Frelzovyh (Swedish fralsebonde - "free peasants") were called peasants who lived on the lands of feudal lords, in contrast to the state, or tax peasants. Later they began to be called "Starrfrells", in contrast to the newfreels, former state peasants who lived on the lands captured in the 17th century. aristocrats and partly the middle nobility.). In the middle of the XVI century. the peasantry, mainly tax-paying, who lived on state ("crown") lands, owned more than 50% of all convenient land, a century later the number of state peasants decreased by more than half, while their ownership rights to their plots were reduced.
This policy of the Swedish aristocracy had dangerous social consequences for the peasantry. In Sweden, due to a number of historical conditions in the Middle Ages, a system of personal serfdom did not develop. Tax (skatta from the Swedish skatt - tax) peasants who lived on state land, in fact, turned into hereditary owners of their allotments, who were legally considered to be under supreme power king. These privileged peasants participated both in local self-government and in the estate-based national representative body - the Riksdag. Another part of the peasants - freelian peasants - lived on the lands of the nobles, but they were not serfs either. They retained the right to move from one estate to another, and paid for the land once and for all by agreement in kind and monetary dues on time. Some of the Freelian peasants even enjoyed the right of inheritance.
The seizure of the crown lands by the aristocracy, and partly by the middle nobility, worsened the position of the state peasants. They became dependent on private landowners and were deprived of the right to land plots, which, in fact and by virtue of tradition, were previously their hereditary property. The representatives of the state peasants in the Riksdag directly stated in their speeches in the 50s that they, free people, were now threatened by serf slavery.
The situation of the freelian peasants worsened even more. The right to collect taxes gave the feudal lord the opportunity to make these peasants more dependent on himself. The Freelian peasant, in the event of a debt to the landowner, was deprived of the right of transition until the full payment of taxes and quitrent. The administrative power of the nobility over the peasants was also strengthened. In addition to levying taxes, the feudal lords received the right to recruit peasants. The landowner was given police and judicial powers for a number of minor misdemeanors. In addition to administrative and political rights, he could use other, purely economic methods of coercion and subordination (constraint of peasants in the use of allotments, seizure of communal lands, usurious loans).
Despite these undoubtedly serf tendencies, in Sweden, nevertheless, in the 17th century. serfdom did not develop, which existed in the Swedish possessions in Northern Germany, the Eastern Baltic States and in the areas separated from Denmark (Skane and other southern provinces).
The stubborn resistance of the Swedish peasants prevented the danger of their personal enslavement and an increase in feudal extortions. In the 50s, numerous peasant uprisings took place in Sweden, sometimes growing into rather large uprisings in the provinces of Småland, Nerke and others. There were mass escapes of peasants and their frequent refusals to fulfill the duties required by the feudal lords. The government sent significant military forces against the insurgent peasants. Peasant movements against Swedish landowners took place in a number of villages in Finland; part of the Finnish and Karelian peasants moved to the south and southeast, to the Russian regions. In the 60s and 70s, large antifeudal unrest took place in Skåne and other southern provinces, where a mixed Danish and Swedish population, dissatisfied with the heavy taxes and levies of the Swedish feudal lords, even spoke out in favor of returning to the rule of the Danish king. Peasant uprisings, directed especially against the new feudal lords who seized the crown lands, were one of the reasons that accelerated the implementation of the so-called reduction.
The beginning of the struggle for reduction
The question of reduction, that is, the return to the treasury of the state lands seized by the aristocracy and partly by the middle nobility, arose in the 50s, but was posed especially acutely in the 60s and 70s. By this time, there were so few crown lands that the revenues from them, in fact, lost all significance in the state budget. A large gap was created in the budget revenues as a result of the plundering of royal lands by the nobles. Sweden's finances came to a chaotic state, despite all the plundering of Swedish troops in Germany, especially in the last period of the Thirty Years War, when the Swedes took out of Germany especially a lot of precious metals and other property.
The reduction was demanded in the Riksdag by both peasants and townspeople, and even petty nobles, who looked with envy at how the aristocrats and many middle serving nobles unceremoniously enrich themselves at the expense of the state. In the view of the peasants, the reduction meant a return to the former "quiet times" when they lived on royal lands, without knowing private landowners and paying moderate, traditional royal taxes. The reduction promised the townspeople some reduction in the tax burden, since the state was returning to itself such a constant important source of income as state lands. The noble state, in order to get out of financial difficulties, needed to obtain this new source of income at least through some infringement of the interests of individual representatives of the nobility. The settlement of finances would provide an opportunity for further reorganization and enlargement of the army, in which the government was especially interested. In addition, the government took into account that the main core of the Swedish army of the 17th century. was made up of free peasants who were called up in the order of recruitment. The decline and disappearance of this category of the peasantry seriously threatened the manning of the army. The reduction was supposed, according to the calculations of the government, to once again raise the importance of the state peasantry and thereby ensure the further uninterrupted replenishment of the Swedish army with recruits.
The wars of Charles X
The reduction became especially necessary during wars of conquest Charles X Gustav (1654-1660). Partly to preserve, partly in order to further expand Swedish domination in the Baltic Sea, Charles X waged wars with Poland, Denmark and Russia in the second half of the 50s. In 1655 Charles X, taking into account the weakening of Poland as a result of the falling away of Ukraine and the outbreak of the Russian-Polish war, unexpectedly invaded Poland. Swedish troops captured Warsaw and Krakow. Charles X has already raised the question of dividing the Polish lands, hoping to snatch the lion's share. However, in Poland, a wide popular movement against the invaders. At the same time, Sweden's successes brought about a dramatic change in international relations. Russia ceased military operations against Poland and directed its forces against Sweden. Brandenburg departed from the union with Sweden. Austria and Denmark decided to support Poland. Sweden had to wage war simultaneously on the territory of Poland, and in Livonia, and in Denmark. Nevertheless, hostilities developed generally favorably for Sweden. Charles X defeated the Danish king and forced him to sign the Roskilde world in 1658, according to which Sweden received the southern Scandinavian provinces (Blekinge, Skane, Halland). Denmark recognized this loss through the peace in Copenhagen in 1660, concluded after the death of Charles X as regents under Charles XI (1660-1697). In the same 1660, Sweden, according to the peace signed in Oliva (near Gdansk), received from Poland the recognition of its rights to Northern Livonia. In 1661 Sweden made a peace treaty with Russia in Kardis, which kept the old borders between the two states. Thus, Sweden, despite the unfavorable international situation for it, still won major victories. The ring of Swedish possessions surrounding the Baltic Sea became even wider. The influx of military production improved finances and even allowed the reduction to be suspended. However, already during this period, when Sweden reached the zenith of military glory, clouds were gathering on its political horizon. The large hostile coalition of Poland, Denmark, Austria, Brandenburg that opposed it, to which Russia actually joined, despite all the contradictions among the allies, represented a serious danger.
In the years 1675-1679. Sweden, as an ally of France, found itself again embroiled in a war with a coalition of Brandenburg, Denmark and Holland. Although Sweden managed to preserve almost all of its gains this time, the military tension of the 50s and 70s left public finances in a deplorable state. By the beginning of the 70s, the state debt had grown to a colossal amount of 20 million dalers for those times. The government was forced to reduce the army to a minimum and more persistently seek the consent of the nobles to the reduction of crown lands both in Sweden itself and in all of its possessions.
Reduction and its results
As a result of a sharp struggle in the Riksdag, when almost all estates opposed the aristocracy, Charles XI, who became an independent ruler in 1672, managed to carry out a reduction, which by the 90s increased the annual revenues of the state by 3 million dalers.
The land reform has significantly strengthened public finances. The estates returned under the reduction now gave the treasury a regular annual income. In the 80s, the reduction was also extended to the Baltic provinces - Ingermanland, Estland, Livonia, as well as to Swedish Pomerania. Especially a lot of land was returned to the treasury in Livonia, due to which the annual receipts to the treasury from this rich province reached half a million dalers. The reduction greatly increased the power of the king and limited the influence of the aristocracy. In particular, the aristocratic council of state (Riksrod), which had previously been completely independent of the king, lost its political significance... New central bureaucratic bodies were created — the Reduction Commission, the State Finance Office, and others. The standing army, which received a regular royal salary, was increased again. In 1693, the Riksdag officially characterized Charles XI as "an autocratic king who commands and commands everything, and is not responsible to anyone on earth for his actions." Thus, the doctrine of absolutism was solemnly proclaimed.
However, the reduction did not at all mean "robbery" or "ruin", let alone the elimination of the nobility, as Swedish bourgeois historians sometimes asserted. The nobles, including the aristocracy, retained their hereditary estates (seteria), moreover, on the best lands. During the course of the reduction, private land was widely exchanged for state land at the request of landowners, and thanks to this, in a number of cases, the nobility was able to significantly round up and expand their holdings. The nobles exchanged the hereditary lands of the worst fertility for the best of the royal ones, subject to reduction; in doing so, they seized the usually magnificent forests and parks, fish-rich lakes, mountain meadows, etc. As a result of the reform, the noble estates remained as before and “the landscape of the country has not changed at all,” as one modern reactionary writer noted with satisfaction. Moreover, during this period many “new people” appeared at the court and in the central apparatus, who were able to snatch the land that was to be returned to the state as their personal property.
The Swedish peasantry as a whole was disappointed with the reform. Only the well-to-do peasants benefited from the reform, for whom it turned out to be especially beneficial the subsequent permission of the government to acquire ownership of plots of crown lands (law of 1701). The middle peasantry complained about the insufficient size of allotments and high state taxes. Characteristically widespread by the end of the 17th century. labor of farm laborers in noble estates. The "new people" who came to the countryside as newly minted nobles were in a hurry to make the most profitable use of their land, widely using cheap hired labor of the poorest peasantry. In the last decades of the XVII century. Swedish nobles exploited landless and land-poor peasants also through short-term cash or share rent. By the end of the 17th century. In Sweden, capitalist leasing also appears: a large agricultural entrepreneur from rich peasants or a feudal lord's manager leases all the land of a noble estate and uses the labor of farm laborers, paying capitalist rent to the landowner. But this form of exploitation was still sporadic.
Strengthening serfdom in the Swedish Baltic provinces
If in Sweden itself in the 17th century. serfdom did not develop as a dominant system, then the most cruel serfdom reigned in the Swedish Baltic provinces in the same century. This applies both to Livonia (Vidzeme in Latvian) and to Estland (Northern Estonia) and Ingermanland (Izhora land). Swedish oppression fell heavily on the shoulders of the local working population, especially the peasantry. Increased state taxes compared to Sweden proper, constant requisition of agricultural products and livestock (especially during frequent wars in the region of the Baltic provinces themselves), various transportation duties, and most importantly, an increase in corvee and a deterioration in the legal status of the peasantry characterize most clearly this period of Swedish rule in the Baltics. The government carefully preserved and supported the rights and privileges of the local Ostsee nobility, which was the ruling class here. Swedish legislation authorized the developing serfdom in the Baltic provinces, formalizing it legally and providing the feudal lords with military-police means to suppress the peasantry, who fought against the growing enslavement. Thus, the law of February 1, 1632 on zemstvo courts sanctioned serfdom in Livonia and established the police power of the landowner with the right to "domestic punishment" of disobedient peasants. Later, the patent of 1639 and especially the "Police Charter" of 1671 recognized not only the children of serfs as serfs, but also all fugitive serfs and free people who settled on the land of the feudal lord. The serf was considered the full property of the landowner, who could alienate his peasants or provide a creditor to pay off debts and interest on them. The creditor at his own discretion disposed of the serfs, demanding corvee and quitrent from them. Falling into the hands of the usurer, the peasants were subjected to increased exploitation. Similar laws were issued for Estonia. In the years 1638-1639. in Livonia there were punitive detachments sent here to suppress peasant unrest. A new wave of peasant movements dates back to the Russian-Swedish war in the 1750s. Spontaneous peasant unrest also broke out in 1668.
The position of the peasants in the Baltics continued to deteriorate further, as the state lands passed to the nobles in the form of all kinds of gifts and grants. Peasant land holdings in the Baltics were systematically reduced due to an increase in lordly plowing caused by an increase in grain exports. Already according to the census of 1638, at least 22% of all peasants were farm laborers who were left without land or had only a small subsidiary farm. The poorest peasantry, even if they did their own farming, were in very difficult conditions, primarily due to the lack of working animals. Only wealthy peasants had oxen and horses. The poor peasant was often forced to harness himself to the plow with his wife and thus cultivate his miserable land. Many peasants did not have cows and instead kept goats. Corvee per landlord was considered "normalized" by a certain number of days a year; in fact, the landowner could demand additional corvee under the guise of "help", etc. In relation to serfs, corporal punishment was widely used. Legally, serfs were recognized as having the right to judicial protection, but it was absolutely hopeless to complain about the landowner, since all the courts and administrative bodies in the region were entirely in the hands of the nobles.
From heavy corvee and growing state taxes, the peasants sought salvation in flight, and the question of the flight of the peasants and measures to combat it was the subject of constant concern of the Landtags (congresses of nobles in the provinces), Landrates (elected from the nobility), various zemstvo courts and the governor general. The peasants fled to Riga, Revel (Tallinn) and other cities, as well as to Poland, Lithuania, Courland and Russia. The Swedish government, in response to complaints from local barons, has repeatedly made demands on these states to extradite such defectors.
In the 1980s, the Swedish government also widely pursued a policy of reduction in the Baltics, and here this measure was carried out more energetically than in Sweden itself. The interests of a large group of Eastsee barons were seriously infringed upon. As in Sweden itself, the reduction led to an increase in the number of state peasants. Legal status peasants turned into state peasants improved. However, in the Baltic provinces, in the conditions of already formed serfdom, the peasants and on state lands did not receive personal freedom. At the same time, the reduction and the associated compilation of the land cadastre and new wakenbuchs ( Wackenbuch - a list of duties from each peasant household.) increased peasant duties and payments. By the 1990s, the taxation of peasants in comparison with the 70s increased 2.5 times in Estonia, and even 5 times in Livonia. The state, having returned the crown lands to the treasury, did not actually dispose of them, but leased them to the nobles. In this way, the tenants also exploited the peasants who lived on state estates. In the event of refusal or negligence of work, the tenant, either personally or with the help of the local police, could subject peasants to corporal punishment.
Crushed by taxes, torn off from his economy by heavy corvee, the Baltic peasant by the end of the 17th century. became increasingly poor and fell into the clutches of the usurer. At the same time, landlords, as well as tenants of state estates, increasingly constrained the peasant in his right to use communal lands (for logging, grazing, fishing, hunting, etc.).
At the end of the 17th century. the oppression of the Swedish noble state and local Eastsee barons led the peasant economy to an obvious disaster. In the years 1696-1697. in Livonia and Estonia, as well as in neighboring countries, there were several lean years in a row. The result of the poor harvest in the Baltics was famine and a terrible epidemic. In Estonia alone, 75 thousand people died over the years. Numerous unrest of the peasants in 1698 and 1699, their reprisals against some of the feudal lords and administrators, the seizure of grain by the peasants in the landlord economies, the mass flight of serfs caused severe repressions by the government. New punitive detachments were sent to the villages. The captured leaders of the peasant "riots" were tortured, wheeling and other executions.
In the spring of 1700, in connection with the outbreak of the Northern War, two royal decrees were issued in the interests of the Baltic nobility. In one of them, taking into account the dissatisfaction of a significant part of the Eastsee nobility with the reduction, the king announced the complete cessation of measures related to the reduction, in the other he promised to continue to protect and even "increase" the nobility's liberties and privileges. The second decree, a kind of royal manifesto, was solemnly addressed to "the knighthood of the duchies of Estland, Livonia and Ingermanland." In both decrees of Charles XII, the noble-serf nature of Swedish policy in the Baltic was clearly expressed.
Aggravation of the Baltic issue by the end of the 17th - early 18th centuries.
The consolidation of finances as a result of the reduction gave the Swedish ruling circles the opportunity to resume an active foreign policy. At the end of the 17th century. Danish-Swedish relations again became extremely tense.
In 1697 Charles XII came to the throne of Sweden. In order to maintain a dominant position in the Baltic, the Swedish government sought to isolate Denmark and secure the support of France and Holland, as well as some German princes. Denmark, for its part, was looking for allies interested in the struggle to overthrow Swedish rule in the Baltic Sea region. These states were, first of all, Poland and Russia, for which the solution of the Baltic issue became more and more necessary every decade due to their growing interest in Baltic trade. The seizure of a part of the southern and eastern coasts of the Baltic would enable both countries to expand their maritime trade, bypassing Swedish and any other commercial intermediation. Elected in the same 1697 as the king of Poland, August II, the elector of Saxon, for some time became at the center of negotiations that led to the creation of a new anti-Swedish coalition of Denmark, Poland and Russia. August dreamed of gaining possession of Livland, which had previously belonged to Poland. These plans were supported in every possible way by the Livonian nobleman Johann Reingold Patkul, who emigrated to Poland. Patkul expressed the mood of the overwhelming majority of the nobility of the Baltic provinces, dissatisfied with the policy of reduction. In 1698 Patkul officially entered the service of the Saxon Elector. In order to organize a coalition against Sweden, Patkul traveled on assignments from August II to Moscow and Copenhagen. Peter I, for his part, developed a plan to create the widest possible coalition against Sweden, with a view to achieving the return of the eastern - Ingermanland and Karelian - coast of the Baltic Sea to Russia. In 1699 the union of Denmark, Saxony and Russia was already formed. In 1700, the Great Northern War began, in which Russia was the main enemy of Sweden.
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The Little Russian question, by its direct or indirect action, complicated Moscow's foreign policy. Tsar Aleksey, having started a war with Poland for Little Russia in 1654, quickly conquered all of Belarus and a significant part of Lithuania from Vilna, Kovna and Grodna. While Moscow was taking the eastern regions of the Commonwealth, it was attacked from the north by another enemy, the Swedish king Charles X, who just as quickly conquered all of Great and Lesser Poland with Krakow and Warsaw, expelled King Jan Casimir from Poland and proclaimed himself Polish King, finally, even wanted to take Lithuania from Tsar Alexei. So two enemies, who were beating Poland from different sides, collided and quarreled over the booty. Tsar Alexei recalled the old idea of \u200b\u200bTsar Ivan about the Baltic coast, about Livonia, and the fight with Poland was interrupted in 1656 by the war with Sweden. So again the forgotten question of extending the territory of the Muscovite state to its natural boundary, to the Baltic coast, came to the fore. The question did not move a step towards a solution: Riga could not be taken, and soon the king ceased hostilities, and then made peace with Sweden (in Kardis, 1661), returning all his conquests to her. No matter how fruitless this war was and even harmful to Moscow in helping Poland to recover from the Swedish pogrom, it nevertheless prevented the two states from uniting under the rule of one king, although equally hostile to Moscow, but constantly weakening their forces by mutual enmity.
Eastern question
Already dying Bogdan and then stood across the road to friends and enemies, to both states, and to the one he betrayed, and the one to whom he swore allegiance. Frightened by the rapprochement between Moscow and Poland, he entered into an agreement with the Swedish king Charles X and the Transylvanian prince Ragoci, and the three of them drew up a plan for the partition of the Commonwealth. A true representative of his Cossacks, accustomed to serving on all four sides, Bogdan was a servant or ally, and sometimes a traitor to all neighboring rulers, and the king of Poland, and the king of Moscow, and the Crimean khan, and the Turkish sultan, and the Moldavian ruler, and the Transylvanian prince and ended with the idea of \u200b\u200bbecoming a free appanage prince of Little Russia under the Polish-Swedish king, who wanted to be Charles X. These dying intrigues of Bogdan made Tsar Alexei somehow end the Swedish war. Little Russia dragged Moscow into the first direct clash with Turkey. After the death of Bogdan, an open struggle between the Cossack foremen and the rabble began. His successor, Vyhovsky, was transferred to the king and, together with the Tatars near Konotop, destroyed the best army of Tsar Alexei (1659). Encouraged by this and freed from the Swedes with the help of Moscow, the Poles did not want to give her any of her conquests. The second war with Poland began, accompanied by two terrible setbacks for Moscow, the defeat of Prince Khovansky in Belarus and the surrender of Sheremetev at Chudnov in Volhynia as a result of Cossack treason. Lithuania and Belarus were lost. Vyhovsky's successors, Bogdan's son Yuri and Teter, changed. The Ukraine was divided along the Dnieper into two hostile halves, the left Moscow and the right Polish. The king captured almost all of Little Russia. Both fighting sides reached extreme exhaustion: in Moscow there was nothing to pay military men with and issued copper money at the price of silver, which caused the Moscow revolt in 1662; Greater Poland rebelled against the king under the leadership of Lubomirski. Moscow and Poland, it seemed, were ready to drink each other's last drops of blood. They were rescued by the enemy of both hetman Doroshenko, who succumbed to the Sultan from the right bank of Ukraine (1666). In view of the formidable common enemy, the Andrusov armistice of 1667 put an end to the war. Moscow retained the regions of Smolensk and Seversk and the left half of Ukraine with Kiev, became a widely stretched front on the Dnieper from its upper reaches to Zaporozhye, which, according to its historical nature, remained in a mid-level position, in the service of both states, Poland and Moscow. The new dynasty has forgiven its Stolovsky, Deulinsky and Polyanovsky sins. The Andrusov Treaty made a drastic change in Moscow's foreign policy. Instead of the cautiously short-sighted BI Morozov, its leader was AL Ordin-Nashchokin, the culprit of this agreement, who knew how to look ahead. He began to develop a new political combination. Poland has ceased to seem dangerous. The age-old struggle with it stopped for a long time, for a whole century. The Little Russian question was overshadowed by other tasks set by him. They were directed to Livonia, i.e. Sweden, and Turkey. To fight the one and the other, an alliance with Poland, threatened by both, was needed; she herself worked hard for this alliance. Ordin-Nashchokin developed the idea of \u200b\u200bthis union into a whole system. In a note submitted to the tsar even before the Andrusov treaty, he argued the need for this union with three considerations: only this union would provide an opportunity to patronize the Orthodox in Poland; only with a close alliance with Poland can the Cossacks be kept from an evil war with Great Russia at the instigation of the Khan and the Swede; finally, the Moldavians and the Volokhs, now separated from Orthodox Russia by hostile Poland, with our alliance with her, will stick to us and fall away from the Turks, and then from the Danube itself through the Dniester from all the Volokhs, from Podolia, Chervonnaya Rus, Volynia, Malaya and Great Rus a whole numerous Christian people will be formed, children of one mother, the Orthodox Church. The last consideration should have met with special sympathy in the tsar: the thought of Turkish Christians had long occupied Alexei. In 1656 on Easter, having made Christ in church with Greek merchants living in Moscow, he asked them if they wanted him to free them from Turkish bondage, and in response to an understandable answer, he continued: “When you return to your country, ask your bishops , priests and monks pray for me, and through their prayers my sword will cut the necks of my enemies. " Then, with abundant tears, he said, addressing the boyars, that his heart grieves for the enslavement of these poor people by the unfaithful and God will exact from him on the day of judgment because, having the opportunity to free them, he neglects this, but he took on the obligation to bring sacrifice his army, treasury, even his blood for their deliverance. So the Greek merchants themselves told. In a treaty of 1672, shortly before the Sultan's invasion of Poland, the tsar pledged to help the king in the event of an attack by the Turks and send them to the sultan and khan to dissuade them from war with Poland. The types of unusual allies were far from the same: Poland was primarily concerned with its external security; for Moscow, this was also joined by the question of co-religionists, and, moreover, a two-sided question - about Turkish Christians from the Russian side and about Russian Mohammedans from the Turkish side. This is how religious relations crossed in the European East as early as the 16th century. Moscow Tsar Ivan, as you know, conquered two Mohammedan kingdoms, Kazan and Astrakhan. But the conquered Mohammedans with hope and supplication turned to their spiritual leader, the successor of the Caliphs, the Turkish Sultan, urging him to free them from the Christian yoke. In turn, at the hand of the Turkish Sultan lived on Balkan Peninsula a large population of the same faith and tribal with the Russian people. It also turned with hope and supplication to the Moscow sovereign, the patron saint of the Orthodox East, urging him to free Turkish Christians from the Mohammedan yoke. The idea of \u200b\u200bfighting the Turks with the help of Moscow then began to spread briskly among the Balkan Christians. According to the agreement, the Moscow ambassadors went to Constantinople to dissuade the Sultan from war with the Commonwealth. They brought significant news from Turkey. Driving through Moldavia and Wallachia, they heard such talk among the people: "If only God had given at least a small victory over the Turks to the Christians, and we would immediately begin to hunt over the infidels." But in Constantinople, the Moscow ambassadors were told that recently ambassadors from the Kazan and Astrakhan Tatars and from the Bashkirs came here, who asked the Sultan to accept the kingdoms of Kazan and Astrakhan as his citizenship, complaining that the Moscow people, hating their Basurman faith, beat many of them to death and ravages incessantly. The Sultan ordered the Tatars to be patient a little longer and presented the petitioners with robes.
BALTIC QUESTION. The Little Russian question, by its direct or indirect action, complicated Moscow's foreign policy. Tsar Aleksey, having started a war with Poland for Little Russia in 1654, quickly conquered all of Belarus and a significant part of Lithuania from Vilna, Kovna and Grodna. While Moscow was taking the eastern regions of the Commonwealth, it was attacked from the north by another enemy, the Swedish king Charles X, who just as quickly conquered all of Great and Lesser Poland with Krakow and Warsaw, expelled King Jan Casimir from Poland and proclaimed himself Polish King, finally, even wanted to take Lithuania from Tsar Alexei. So two enemies, who beat Poland from different sides, collided and quarreled over the booty. Tsar Alexei recalled the old idea of \u200b\u200bTsar Ivan about the Baltic coast, about Livonia, and the fight with Poland was interrupted in 1656 by the war with Sweden. So again the forgotten question of extending the territory of the Muscovite state to its natural boundary, to the Baltic coast, came to the fore. The question did not move a step towards a solution: Riga could not be taken, and soon the king ceased hostilities, and then made peace with Sweden (in Kardis, 1661), returning all his conquests to her. No matter how fruitless this war was and even harmful to Moscow in helping Poland to recover from the Swedish pogrom, it nevertheless prevented the two states from uniting under the rule of one king, although equally hostile to Moscow, but constantly weakening their forces by mutual enmity.
EASTERN QUESTION. Already dying Bogdan and then stood across the road to friends and enemies, to both states, and to the one he betrayed, and the one to whom he swore allegiance. Frightened by the rapprochement between Moscow and Poland, he entered into an agreement with the Swedish king Charles X and the Transylvanian prince Ragoci, and the three of them drew up a plan for the partition of the Commonwealth. A true representative of his Cossacks, accustomed to serving on all four sides, Bogdan was a servant or ally, and sometimes a traitor to all neighboring rulers, and the king of Poland, and the king of Moscow, and the Crimean khan, and the Turkish sultan, and the Moldavian ruler, and the Transylvanian prince and ended with the idea of \u200b\u200bbecoming a free appanage prince of Little Russia under the Polish-Swedish king, who wanted to be Charles X. These dying plots of Bogdan forced Tsar Alexei to somehow end the Swedish war. Little Russia dragged Moscow into the first direct clash with Turkey. After the death of Bogdan, an open struggle between the Cossack foremen and the rabble began. His successor, Vyhovsky, was transferred to the king and, together with the Tatars near Konotop, destroyed the best army of Tsar Alexei (1659). Encouraged by this and freed from the Swedes with the help of Moscow, the Poles did not want to give her any of her conquests. The second war with Poland began, accompanied by two terrible setbacks for Moscow, the defeat of Prince Khovansky in Belarus and the surrender of Sheremetev at Chudnov in Volhynia as a result of Cossack treason. Lithuania and Belarus were lost. Vyhovsky's successors, Bogdan's son Yuri and Teter, changed. The Ukraine was divided along the Dnieper into two hostile halves, the left Moscow and the right Polish. The king captured almost all of Little Russia. Both fighting sides reached extreme exhaustion: in Moscow there was nothing to pay military men with and issued copper money at the price of silver, which caused the Moscow revolt in 1662; Greater Poland rebelled against the king under the leadership of Lubomirski. Moscow and Poland, it seemed, were ready to drink each other's last drops of blood. They were rescued by the enemy of both hetman Doroshenko, who succumbed to the Sultan from the right bank of Ukraine (1666). In view of the formidable common enemy, the Andrusov armistice of 1667 put an end to the war. Moscow retained the regions of Smolensk and Seversk and the left half of Ukraine with Kiev, became a widely stretched front on the Dnieper from its upper reaches to Zaporozhye, which, according to its historical nature, remained in a mid-level position, in the service of both states, Poland and Moscow. The new dynasty has forgiven its Stolovsky, Deulinsky and Polyanovsky sins. The Andrusov Treaty made a drastic change in Moscow's foreign policy. Instead of the cautiously short-sighted BI Morozov, its leader was AL Ordin-Nashchokin, the culprit of this agreement, who knew how to look ahead. He began to develop a new political combination. Poland has ceased to seem dangerous. The age-old struggle with it stopped for a long time, for a whole century. The Little Russian question was overshadowed by other tasks set by him. They were aimed at Livonia, that is, Sweden, and Turkey. To fight the one and the other, an alliance with Poland, threatened by both, was needed; she herself worked hard for this alliance. Ordin-Nashchokin developed the idea of \u200b\u200bthis alliance into a whole system. In a note submitted to the tsar even before the Andrusov treaty, he argued the need for this union with three considerations: only this union would provide an opportunity to patronize the Orthodox in Poland; only with a close alliance with Poland can the Cossacks be kept from an evil war with Great Russia at the instigation of the Khan and the Swede; Finally, the Moldovans and Volokhs, now separated from Orthodox Russia by hostile Poland, with our alliance with her, will stick to us and fall away from the Turks, and then from the Danube itself through the Dniester from all the Volokhs, from Podolia, Chervonnaya Rus, Volhynia, Malaya and Great Rus compose a coherent numerous people Christian, children of one mother, Orthodox Church. The last consideration should have met with special sympathy in the tsar: the thought of Turkish Christians had long occupied Alexei. In 1656 on Easter, having made Christ in church with Greek merchants living in Moscow, he asked them if they wanted him to free them from Turkish bondage, and in response to an understandable answer, he continued: “When you return to your country, ask your bishops , priests and monks pray for me, and through their prayers my sword will cut the necks of my enemies. " Then, with abundant tears, he said, addressing the boyars, that his heart grieves for the enslavement of these poor people by the unfaithful and God will exact from him on the day of judgment because, having the opportunity to free them, he neglects this, but he took on the obligation to bring sacrifice his army, treasury, even his blood for their deliverance. So the Greek merchants themselves told. In a treaty of 1672, shortly before the Sultan's invasion of Poland, the tsar pledged to help the king in the event of an attack by the Turks and send them to the sultan and khan to dissuade them from war with Poland. The types of unusual allies were far from the same: Poland was primarily concerned with its external security; for Moscow, this was also joined by the question of co-religionists, and, moreover, a bilateral question - about Turkish Christians from the Russian side and about Russian Mohammedans from the Turkish side. This is how religious relations crossed in the European East as early as the 16th century. Tsar Ivan of Moscow, as you know, conquered two Mohammedan kingdoms, Kazan and Astrakhan. But the conquered Mohammedans with hope and supplication turned to their spiritual leader, the successor of the Caliphs, the Turkish Sultan, urging him to free them from the Christian yoke. In turn, at the hand of the Turkish sultan lived on the Balkan Peninsula a large population, of the same faith and tribal with the Russian people. It also turned with hope and supplication to the Moscow sovereign, the patron saint of the Orthodox East, urging him to free Turkish Christians from the Mohammedan yoke. The idea of \u200b\u200bfighting the Turks with the help of Moscow then began to spread briskly among the Balkan Christians. According to the agreement, the Moscow ambassadors went to Constantinople to dissuade the Sultan from war with the Commonwealth. They brought significant news from Turkey. Driving through Moldavia and Wallachia, they heard such talk among the people: "If only God had given at least a small victory over the Turks to the Christians, and we would immediately begin to hunt over the infidels." But in Constantinople, the Moscow ambassadors were told that recently ambassadors from Kazan and Astrakhan Tatars and from the Bashkirs came here, who asked the Sultan to accept the kingdoms of Kazan and Astrakhan into his citizenship, complaining that Moscow people, hating their Basurman faith, beat many of them to death and ravages incessantly. The Sultan ordered the Tatars to be patient a little longer and presented the petitioners with robes.
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Notes of the Faculty of History and Philology of the Imperial St. Petersburg University. The Baltic question in the 16th and 17th centuries (1544-1648)
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Notes of the Faculty of History and Philology of the Imperial St. Petersburg University. The Baltic question in the 16th and 17th centuries (1544-1648)
Notes of the Faculty of History and Philology of the Imperial St. Petersburg University. The Baltic question in the 16th and 17th centuries (1544-1648)
Notes of the Faculty of History and Philology of the Imperial St. Petersburg University. The Baltic question in the 16th and 17th centuries (1544-1648)
Forsten Georgy Vasilievich
Notes of the Faculty of History and Philology of the Imperial St. Petersburg University. The Baltic question in the 16th and 17th centuries (1544-1648)
Publisher: A type. V.S. Balasheva and Co.
Place of publication: St. Petersburg.
Year of publication: 1893-1894
Notes of the Faculty of History and Philology of the Imperial St. Petersburg. universities have been published since 1876.
Part thirty-three of the Notes is devoted to the Baltic issue in the 16th and 17th centuries. The task of this work is to investigate its history, which turned out to be the basis foreign policy such northern states as Russia, Poland, Sweden and Denmark.
The Baltic question, which was not limited only to claims to commercial dominance and dominance at sea, captured politics, religion, and territorial possession of the Baltic coasts. The first period of the Baltic issue is the Livonian War, materials about which are contained in the first volume of this study. The second volume deals with the Baltic issue from the end of the 16th century until the Peace of Westphalia, when the struggle between Sweden and Poland and the House of Habsburg unfolds.