Churchill's Fulton speech, delivered at Windsor College in the United States, shaped the West's view of the incipient confrontation between the USSR and the capitalist countries. Churchill, then just a private person, the leader of the opposition, was deeply convinced that protection from two main troubles - war and tyranny - was necessary for everyone's well-being.
I am happy to have arrived at Westminster College today and that you have awarded me my degree. The name Westminster tells me something. It seems that I heard it somewhere. After all, it was in Westminster that I received the lion's share of my education in the field of politics, dialectics, rhetoric, and something else. In fact, you and I were educated in the same or similar educational institutions.
It is also an honor, perhaps almost uniquely, for an individual to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Burdened with many different concerns and responsibilities that he does not crave, but does not flee from, the President has traveled 1,000 miles in order to honor our meeting today and emphasize its significance, giving me the opportunity to address this kindred country, my compatriots on the other side of the ocean, and, perhaps, also to some other countries.
The President has already told you about his desire, which, I am sure, coincides with yours, so that I would be fully free to give you my honest and faithful advice in these turbulent and troubled times.
Of course, I will take advantage of this freedom given to me, and I feel all the more entitled to do so because any personal ambitions that I might have in my young years have long been satisfied beyond my greatest dreams. However, I must state with certainty that I have neither an official mandate nor a status for this kind of speech, and I speak only on my own behalf. So, in front of you is only what you see.
Therefore, I can allow myself, using the experience of my life, to reflect on the problems that besiege us immediately after our complete victory on the battlefields, and try my best to ensure the preservation of what has been obtained with such sacrifices and suffering in the name of future glory and safety of humanity.
The United States is currently at the pinnacle of global power. Today is a solemn moment for American democracy, for along with its superiority in power, it has assumed an incredible responsibility for the future. Looking around, you should feel not only a sense of accomplishment, but also anxiety that you may not be at the level of what is expected of you. The opportunities are there and they are completely clear to both of our countries. To reject them, ignore them, or waste them unnecessarily would mean incurring endless reproaches for the times to come.
Consistency of thinking, perseverance in achieving goals and great simplicity of decisions should guide and determine the behavior of English-speaking countries in peacetime, as it was during the war. We must and I think we will be able to meet this tough demand.
When faced with a grave situation, the US military usually prefaces its directives with the words "overall strategic concept." This has its own wisdom, since the presence of such a concept leads to clarity of thinking. The common strategic concept that we must adhere to today is nothing more than security and well-being, freedom and progress of all families, all people in all countries. I mean, first of all, the millions of cottages and apartment buildings, whose inhabitants, despite the vicissitudes and difficulties of life, seek to protect household members from hardship and raise their families in fear of the Lord or on the basis of ethical principles that often play an important role. To keep these countless dwellings safe, they must be protected from two major calamities - war and tyranny. Everyone knows the terrible shock experienced by any family when the curse of war falls on its breadwinner, who works for her and overcomes the hardships of life. The terrible destruction of Europe with all its former values \u200b\u200band a large part of Asia is gaping before our eyes. When the intentions of malicious people or the aggressive aspirations of powerful powers destroy the foundations of a civilized society in many parts of the world, ordinary people face difficulties that they cannot cope with. For them, everything is distorted, broken, or even crushed into powder.
Standing here on this quiet day, I shudder at the thought of what is happening in real life to millions of people and what will happen to them when hunger strikes the planet. No one can calculate what is called "the incalculable sum of human suffering." Our main task and duty is to protect the families of ordinary people from the horrors and misfortunes of another war. On this we all agree.
Our American military colleagues, after they have defined a "general strategic concept" and calculated all available resources, always move on to the next stage - the search for means of its implementation. There is also general agreement on this issue. A worldwide organization has already been formed with the fundamental aim of preventing war. The UN, the successor to the League of Nations with the decisive addition of the United States and all that means, has already begun its work. We must ensure the success of this activity, so that it is real and not fictitious, so that this organization is a force capable of acting, and not just shaking the air, and so that it becomes a true Temple of Peace, in which it will be possible to hang combat shields of many countries. , and not just the cutting of the world tower of Babel. Before we can free ourselves from the need for national armaments for self-preservation, we must be sure that our temple is not built on quicksand or bog, but on a solid rocky foundation. Everyone with open eyes knows that our path will be difficult and long, but if we firmly follow the course that we followed during the two world wars (and, unfortunately, did not follow in the interval between them), then I have there is no doubt that in the end we will be able to achieve our common goal.
Here I also have a practical suggestion for action. Courts cannot operate without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations must immediately begin to equip with an international military force. In such a matter, we can only advance gradually, but we must start now. I propose that all states should be invited to make available to the World Organization a certain number of air squadrons. These squadrons would train in their own countries, but would be transferred in rotation from one country to another. The pilots would wear the military uniform of their countries, but with different insignia. They could not be required to participate in hostilities against their own country, but in all other respects they would be led by the World Organization. It would be possible to start creating such forces at a modest level and build them up as confidence grows. I wanted this to be done after the First World War, and I sincerely believe that it can be done now.
However, it would be wrong and imprudent to trust the classified information and experience of creating the atomic bomb, which the United States, Great Britain and Canada currently possess, to the World Organization, which is still in its infancy. It would be criminal folly to let this weapon go adrift in a still agitated and unconnected world. Not a single person in any country began to sleep worse because the information, funds and raw materials for the creation of this bomb are now concentrated mainly in American hands. I don’t think we would sleep so well now if the situation were reversed, and some communist or neo-fascist state monopolized this terrible tool for some time. Fear of him alone would have been enough for totalitarian systems to impose themselves on the free democratic world. The dire consequences of this would defy human imagination. The Lord commanded that this not happen, and we still have time to put our house in order before such a danger arises. But even if we spare no effort, we will still need to have a striking enough superiority to have effective deterrent means against its use or the threat of such use by other countries. Ultimately, when the true brotherhood of people would receive real embodiment in the form of some kind of World Organization, which would have all the necessary practical means to make it effective, such powers could be transferred to it.
Now I come to the second danger that lies in wait for families and ordinary people, namely tyranny. We cannot close our eyes to the fact that the freedoms enjoyed by citizens throughout the British Empire do not apply in a significant number of countries; some of them are quite powerful. In these states, power is imposed on the common people by pervasive police governments. State power is exercised without restriction by dictators or tightly knit oligarchies that rule with the help of a privileged party and political police. At the present time, when there are still so many difficulties, it cannot be our responsibility to interfere in the internal affairs of countries with which we are not at war. We must relentlessly and fearlessly proclaim the great principles of freedom and human rights that are a shared legacy of the English-speaking world and which, following the Magna Carta, the Bill of Rights, the Habeas Corpus, the Jury and English Common Law, have found their most famous expression in the Declaration of Independence. They mean that the people of any country have the right and must be able to choose or change the nature or form of government in which they live by means of constitutional actions, through free, unfalsified elections with secret ballot; that freedom of speech and press should prevail; that courts, independent of the executive and not influenced by any party, should enforce laws that have received the approval of a large majority of the population or are time-honored or customary. These are fundamental rights to freedom that every home should know. This is the message of the British and American peoples to all mankind. Let's preach what we do and do what we preach.
So, I have identified two main dangers that threaten people's families. I did not talk about poverty and deprivation, which often worry people the most. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are eliminated, then, undoubtedly, science and cooperation in the next few years, a few decades at the most, will bring a world that has gone through a brutal school of war, an increase in material well-being unprecedented in human history. At present, in this sad and numb moment, we are oppressed by hunger and despondency after our colossal struggle. But all this will pass and may be fast, and there is no reason other than human stupidity and inhuman crime that would prevent all countries, without exception, from taking advantage of the onset of an age of abundance. I often quote the words that fifty years ago I heard from the great American speaker of Irish descent and my friend Burke Cochran: “There is enough for everyone. The earth is a generous mother. She will provide a complete abundance of food for all her children, if only they will cultivate it in justice and peace. ”
So, so far we are in complete agreement. Now, continuing to use the methodology of our general strategic concept, I come to the main thing that I wanted to say here. Neither effective prevention of war nor permanent expansion of the influence of the World Organization can be achieved without the fraternal alliance of the Anglophone peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and the British Empire and the United States. We have no time for platitudes, and I dare to speak specifically. The fraternal union requires not only the growth of friendship and mutual understanding between our kindred systems of society, but also the continuation of close ties between our military, which should lead to a joint study of potential dangers, the compatibility of weapons and military regulations, as well as the exchange of officers and cadets of military technical colleges. It would also mean the further use of existing means to ensure mutual security through the joint use of all naval and air force bases. This would possibly double the mobility of the US Navy and Air Force. This would greatly increase the mobility of the British Empire's armed forces and, as the world calms down, it would provide significant financial savings. We are already sharing a number of islands; in the near future, other islands may be shared. The US already has a permanent defense agreement with the Dominion of Canada, which is deeply committed to the British Commonwealth and Empire. This agreement is more powerful than many of those often entered into through formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all British Commonwealth countries in full reciprocity. In this way and only in this way, no matter what happens, we can protect ourselves and work together for the sake of high and simple goals that are dear to us and are not harmful to anyone. At the very last stage, the idea of \u200b\u200bcommon citizenship may also be realized (and, I believe, will eventually be realized), but we may well leave this issue to the discretion of fate, whose hand outstretched towards us so many of us already clearly see.
There is, however, one important question that we must ask ourselves. Will a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be compatible with a fundamental allegiance to the World Organization? My answer: such a relationship, on the other hand, is probably the only means by which this organization can gain status and strength. There is already a special relationship between the United States and Canada and the South American republics. We also have a 20-year agreement on cooperation and mutual assistance with Russia. I agree with the British Foreign Secretary, Mr. Bevin, that this treaty, to the extent that it depends on us, can be concluded for 50 years. Our only goal is mutual assistance and cooperation. Our alliance with Portugal has been in effect since 1384 and yielded fruitful results at critical moments of the last war. None of these agreements are in conflict with the general interests of a worldwide agreement. On the contrary, they can help the work of the World Organization. "There is room for everyone in the house of the Lord." A special relationship between the United Nations, which is not aggressively directed against any country and does not carry plans incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, is not only not harmful, but useful and, I believe, necessary.
I have already spoken about the Temple of Peace. This Temple should be erected by workers from all countries. If two of these builders know each other especially well and are old friends, if their families are intermingled and, to quote clever words that caught my eye the day before yesterday, “if they have faith in each other's goals, hope for each other's future and condescension to each other's shortcomings, "why can't they work together for a common goal as friends and partners? Why can't they share the tools of labor and thus increase each other's working capacity? They not only can, but must do this, otherwise the Temple will not be erected or it will collapse after being built by mediocre students, and we will again, for the third time, study at the school of war, which will be incomparably more cruel than the one from which we just came out.
The times of the Middle Ages may return, and the Stone Age may return on the sparkling wings of science, and what now can be poured onto humanity with immense material goods may lead to its complete destruction. That is why I cry: be vigilant. Perhaps time is running out. Let's not let things go by their own accord until it's too late. If we want there to be such a fraternal alliance that I just spoke about, with all the additional power and security that both of our countries can derive from it, let's make this great cause known everywhere and play its role in strengthening the foundations of peace. It is better to prevent disease than to cure it.
A shadow has fallen on the picture of the world so recently illuminated by the victory of the Allies. No one knows what Soviet Russia and its international communist organization intend to do in the near future and what the limits, if any, are to their expansionist and reversed tendencies. I deeply admire and honor the valiant Russian people and my wartime comrade Marshal Stalin. In England - I have no doubt that here too - they have deep sympathy and goodwill for all the peoples of Russia and the determination to overcome numerous differences and breakdowns in the name of establishing lasting friendship. We understand that Russia needs to ensure the security of its western borders against a possible renewal of German aggression. We are glad to see it in its rightful place among the world's leading powers. We salute her flag on the seas. And above all, we welcome the constant, frequent and growing ties between the Russian and our peoples on both sides of the Atlantic. However, I consider it my duty to tell you some facts - I am sure that you would like me to present you with facts as they appear to me - about the present situation in Europe.
From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain has descended on the continent. On the other side of the curtain are all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe - Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest, Sofia. All of these famous cities and populations in their districts fell within the limits of what I call the Soviet sphere, all of them in one form or another subject not only to Soviet influence, but also to the significant and ever-increasing control of Moscow. Only Athens, with its undying glory, can freely determine its future in elections with British, American and French observers. The Polish government, under Russian domination, is being encouraged to make enormous and unjust attacks on Germany, leading to massive expulsions of millions of Germans on a tragic and unprecedented scale. The communist parties, which were very small in all these states of Eastern Europe, have achieved exceptional strength, far exceeding their numbers, and everywhere seek to establish totalitarian control. Almost all of these countries are run by police governments, and to this day, with the exception of Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy. Turkey and Persia are deeply concerned and concerned about the claims that are being made against them and the pressure to which they are being subjected by the Moscow government. In Berlin, the Russians are attempting to create a quasi-communist party in their zone of occupied Germany by granting special privileges to groups of leftist German leaders.
Following the fighting in June last year, the American and British armies, in accordance with an earlier agreement, withdrew to the West along a front stretching almost 400 miles to a depth of 150 miles in some cases, in order for our Russian allies to occupy this vast territory that they had conquered. western democracies.
If the Soviet government now tries to create a pro-communist Germany in its zone by separate actions, this will cause new serious difficulties in the British and American zones and will give the defeated Germans the opportunity to arrange bargaining between the Soviets and the Western democracies. Whatever conclusions one draws from these facts - and these are all facts - this will clearly not be the liberated Europe for which we fought. And not Europe, which has the necessary prerequisites for a lasting peace.
The security of the world requires a new unity in Europe, from which neither side should be forever alienated. From the quarrels of these strong indigenous races in Europe, world wars occurred, which we have witnessed or which broke out in earlier times. Twice in our lives, the United States, against its desires and traditions, and contrary to arguments that cannot be missed, has been dragged into these wars by irresistible forces in order to ensure the victory of a just cause, but only after a terrible massacre and devastation. Twice the United States was forced to send millions of its young men to war across the Atlantic. But at the present time war can befall any country, wherever it is between dusk and dawn. We must certainly act with the deliberate aim of a great pacification of Europe within the framework of the United Nations and in accordance with its Charter. This, in my opinion, is a policy of exceptional importance.
On the other side of the Iron Curtain that fell across Europe, there are other reasons for concern. In Italy, the Communist Party is seriously constrained by the need to support the claims of the communist-trained Marshal Tito to the former Italian territory in the center of the Adriatic. However, the situation in Italy remains uncertain. Again, it is impossible to imagine a restored Europe without a strong France. All my life I have advocated the existence of a strong France and never, even in the darkest times, lost faith in its future. And now I do not lose this faith. However, in many countries around the world, far from the borders of Russia, communist fifth columns have been created, which operate in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directives they receive from the communist center. With the exception of the British Commonwealth and the United States, where communism is in its infancy, the communist parties, or fifth columns, pose an ever-increasing challenge and danger to Christian civilization. These are all painful facts that have to be spoken about immediately after the victory won by such a magnificent comradeship in arms in the name of peace and democracy. But it would be highly unreasonable not to see them while there is still time. The prospects in the Far East, especially in Manchuria, are also of concern. The agreement reached in Yalta, in which I was involved, was extremely favorable for Russia. But it was concluded at a time when no one could say that the war would end in the summer or fall of 1945, and when it was expected that the war with Japan would go on within 18 months after the end of the war with Germany. In your country, you are so well informed about the Far East and are such loyal friends of China that I need not dwell on the situation there.
I felt obliged to paint a shadow for you that falls on the whole world in both the West and the East. At the time of the conclusion of the Treaty of Versailles, I was a minister and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd George, who led the British delegation to Versailles. I did not agree with much of what was done there, but I had a very vivid impression of the situation at that time, and it pains me to compare it with the present one. These were times of great expectations and boundless confidence that there would be no more wars and that the League of Nations would become omnipotent. Today I do not see or feel such confidence and such hopes in our tortured world.
On the other hand, I drive away from myself the idea that a new war is inevitable, especially in the very near future. And precisely because I am sure that our destinies are in our hands and we are able to save the future, I consider it my duty to speak out on this issue, since I have the opportunity and opportunity to do this. I do not believe that Russia wants war. What she wants is the fruits of war and the unlimited spread of her power and doctrine. But what we need to think about here today, while there is still time, is preventing wars forever and creating conditions for freedom and democracy as soon as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not disappear if we close our eyes to them, or simply wait for what will happen, or pursue a policy of appeasement. We need to achieve a settlement, and the longer it takes, the harder it will go and the more formidable the dangers will be before us. From what I observed in the behavior of our Russian friends and allies during the war, I got the conviction that they respect nothing more than strength, and for nothing they have less respect than military weakness. For this reason, the old doctrine of the balance of power is no longer applicable. We cannot allow ourselves - as far as we can - to act from a position of small advantage, which introduces into the temptation to engage in a breakdown of strength. If Western democracies stand together in their strong adherence to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, their impact on the development of these principles will be enormous and hardly anyone can shake them. If, however, they become disconnected or fail to fulfill their duty, and if they miss these crucial years, then indeed we will be catastrophic.
Last time, observing such a development of events, I called out loudly to my compatriots and to the whole world, but no one wanted to listen. Until 1933 or even until 1935 Germany could have been saved from the terrible fate that befell her, and we would have been saved from the misfortunes that Hitler brought down on humanity. Never before in history has there been a war that has been easier to prevent by timely action than one that has just ravaged vast areas of the globe. It, I am convinced, could have been prevented without firing a single shot, and today Germany would be a powerful, prosperous and respected country; but then they did not want to listen to me, and one by one we were drawn into a terrible tornado. We must not let this happen again.
Now this can be achieved only by achieving today, in 1946, a good understanding with Russia on all issues under the common auspices of the United Nations, supporting this good understanding with the help of this global instrument for many years, relying on the full power of the English-speaking world and all those who is associated with him. Let no one underestimate the imposing strength of the British Empire and the Commonwealth. Even though you see 46 million people on our island who are struggling with food, and may we have difficulties in rebuilding our industry and export trade after 6 years of selfless war effort, do not think that we cannot go through this dark streak of hardship. just how we went through glorious years of suffering, or that in half a century there will be no 70 or 80 million of us living around the world and united in protecting our traditions, our way of life and those universal values \u200b\u200bthat you and I profess. If the populations of the British Commonwealth and the United States act together, for all that such cooperation means in the air, at sea, in science and economics, then the turbulent, unstable balance of power that would tempt ambition or adventurism will be ruled out. On the contrary, there will be perfect confidence in safety. If we faithfully observe the Charter of the United Nations and move forward with calm and sober strength, without claiming foreign lands and wealth and without seeking to establish arbitrary control over the thoughts of people, if all the moral and material forces of Britain unite with yours in a fraternal alliance, then broad paths will open into the future - not only for us, but for everyone, not only for our time, but also for a century to come.
70 YEARS OF THE FULTON SPEECH AND THE BEGINNING OF THE COLD WAR
70 years ago, on March 5, 1946, Winston Churchill delivered a historic speech at Westminster College in the American Fulton about the Iron Curtain that divided Europe and the threat of tyranny to the entire civilized world
Winston Churchill. Photo: FA Bobo / PIXSELL / PA Images / TASS
Churchill's Fulton speech is often referred to as the starting point for the Cold War, but in March 1946 the war was gradually gaining momentum.
The confrontation between the USSR and the Anglo-Americans in Iran reached its peak. There were battles between pro-Moscow communists and pro-Western monarchists in Greece. A new round of civil war - between the Communists and the Kuomintang government - began in China. Preparations have begun for the creation of Marxist regimes in North Korea and East Germany and capitalist pro-Western regimes in South Korea and West Germany.
In the former "millennial Reich" the Nuremberg trial continued, in which the Americans, the British, and the Russians acted as accusers of the Nazi leaders, but it was clear that the fear of each other among yesterday's allies was stronger than the fear of the revival of ruined Germany.
In fact, in Fulton, Churchill, with his characteristic expressiveness and beauty of his style, spoke out loud what the Western military and political elite understood and said to themselves in those days.
In many ways, this speech was bitter for the ex-prime minister. “The United States is currently at the pinnacle of global power. Today is a solemn moment for American democracy, because, along with its superiority in power, it has assumed an incredible responsibility to the future, "- this phrase was hardly given to the faithful knight of the British Empire, which for several centuries was the most powerful power on the planet. But the time of the empire passed quickly and irrevocably, the realist Churchill understood this perfectly. A significant part of Fulton's speech focused on the need for a lasting alliance between the United States and the peoples of the British Commonwealth - in the name of peace and security.
Churchill names two threats to humanity - war and tyranny. In minimizing the threat of war, Churchill assigned an important role to the United Nations, which was supposed to become "a true Temple of Peace, where it would be possible to hang the battle shields of many countries, and not just cut the world tower of Babel." To prevent the UN from repeating the inglorious fate of the League of Nations, it should have been endowed with its own armed forces.
“Here I also have a practical proposal for action. Courts cannot operate without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations must immediately begin to equip with an international military force. In such a matter, we can only move gradually, but we must start now. I propose that all states be invited to make available to the World Organization a number of air squadrons. These squadrons would train in their own countries, but would be transferred in rotation from one country to another. The pilots would wear the military uniform of their countries, but with different insignia. They could not be required to participate in hostilities against their own country, but in all other respects they would be led by the World Organization. It would be possible to start creating such forces at a modest level and build them up as trust grows. I wanted it to be done after the First World War, and I sincerely believe that it can be done now. "
Speaking about the second problem - tyranny - Churchill made his speech historic.
The old British lion had behind him the dramatic experience of the 1930s, when Europe recklessly put up with the growth of Nazi military power, pacified Hitler, surrendering entire states to him without a fight. Churchill at that time felt like an ancient Cassandra: he shouted about danger, but no one believed in the horrific designs of Nazism. They believed him only when German tanks rushed to Brussels and Paris, and German bombers to London. Churchill was now determined to prevent a repeat of the 1930s, to prevent a new round of the deadly giveaway game.
It must be said that Churchill did not consider the Soviet Union and Stalin (unlike the Third Reich and Hitler) to be an absolute, transcendent evil. But he also saw what was impossible not to see: yesterday's comrades-in-arms trample on the freedom and dignity of man in vast spaces and want to expand this twilight zone.
“A shadow has fallen on the picture of the world so recently illuminated by the victory of the Allies. No one knows what Soviet Russia and its international communist organization intend to do in the near future and what the limits, if any, are to their expansionist and reversed tendencies. I deeply admire and honor the valiant Russian people and my wartime comrade Marshal Stalin. In England - I have no doubt that here too - they have deep sympathy and goodwill for all the peoples of Russia and the determination to overcome numerous differences and breakdowns in the name of establishing lasting friendship. We understand that Russia needs to ensure the security of its western borders against a possible renewal of German aggression. We are glad to see it in its rightful place among the world's leading powers. We salute her flag on the seas. And above all, we welcome the constant, frequent and growing ties between the Russian and our peoples on both sides of the Atlantic. However, I consider it my duty to present you with some facts - I am sure that you want me to present to you the facts as they appear to me - about the current situation in Europe. "
And the facts were sad. It was in Churchill's Fulton speech that the phrase "iron curtain" was first heard.
“From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain has descended on the continent. On the other side of the curtain are all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe: Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest, Sofia. All these famous cities and the population in their areas fell within the limits of what I call the Soviet sphere. All of them, in one form or another, are subject not only to Soviet influence, but also to significant and increasing control of Moscow. Only Athens, with its undying glory, can freely determine its future in elections with British, American and French observers. The Polish government, under Russian domination, is being encouraged to make enormous and unjust attacks on Germany, leading to massive expulsions of millions of Germans on a tragic and unprecedented scale. The communist parties, which were very small in all these states of Eastern Europe, have achieved exceptional strength, far exceeding their numbers, and everywhere seek to establish totalitarian control. Almost all of these countries are run by police governments, and to this day, with the exception of Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy. Turkey and Persia are deeply concerned and concerned about the claims that are being made against them and the pressure to which they are being subjected by the Moscow government. In Berlin, the Russians are attempting to create a quasi-communist party in their zone of occupied Germany by granting special privileges to groups of leftist German leaders. "
An experienced British politician recalled that the Second World War could have been prevented in 1933 and even in 1935. But at the same time, Churchill did not believe that in 1946 the West had the opportunity for any preemptive rapid military operations. The ex-prime minister spoke about the need to demonstrate the military-political unity of democratic countries.
“I don't believe that Russia wants war. What she wants is the fruits of war and the unlimited spread of her power and doctrine. But what we need to think about here today, while there is still time, is preventing wars forever and creating conditions for freedom and democracy as soon as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not disappear if we close our eyes to them, or simply wait for what will happen, or pursue a policy of appeasement. We need to achieve a settlement, and the longer it takes, the harder it will go, and the more formidable the dangers will become before us. From what I observed in the behavior of our Russian friends and allies during the war, I derived the conviction that they do not respect anything as much as strength, and for nothing they have less respect than military weakness. "
The history of the following decades proved Churchill was right. The unity of the free world, the constant demonstration of political will and military might for a long time held back the communist expansion - until the eastern bloc collapsed, unable to withstand the arms race, under the weight of accumulated social and economic problems.
The Fulton speech is too much tied to the international situation of the mid-1940s. But the iron logic and energetic belief in their righteousness, ideals and victory for world leaders can be learned from Sir Winston Churchill in 2016, when the shadow fell on the “picture of the world” again.
And Comrade Stalin's answer.
(for extracurricular reading and a better understanding of the situation in Libya, Iraq and Afghanistan)
I came across a curious document known as Churchill's Fulton Speech. With this statement, the Cold War began, which lasted until the collapse of the USSR. "Great and indestructible" ordered to live long, but the triumph of democratic principles declared by Genosse Churchill continue to bring light and freedom to the world.
By the way, by that time the peaceful West had used atomic weapons to bomb Hiroshima and Nagasaki, and Great Britain, under a twenty-year treaty, was our ally.
Churchill's Fulton speech
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The United States is currently at the pinnacle of global power. Today is a solemn moment for American democracy, for along with its superiority in power, it has assumed an incredible responsibility for the future.
Consistency of thinking, persistence in achieving a goal and great simplicity of decisions should guide and determine the behavior of English-speaking countries in peacetime, as it was during war.
-The common strategic concept, which we must adhere to today, is nothing more than security and well-being, freedom and progress of all families, of all people in all countries.
To keep these countless dwellings safe, they must be protected from two major calamities - war and tyranny. Everyone knows the terrible shock experienced by any family when the curse of war falls on its breadwinner, who works for her and overcomes the hardships of life.
The terrible destruction of Europe with all its former values \u200b\u200band a large part of Asia is gaping before our eyes. When the intentions of wicked people or the aggressive aspirations of powerful powers destroy the foundations of civilized society in many parts of the world, ordinary people face difficulties that they cannot cope with. For them, everything is distorted, broken, or even crushed into powder.
-Our main task and duty is to protect the families of ordinary people from the horrors and misfortunes of another war. On this we all agree.
Everyone with open eyes knows that our path will be difficult and long, but if we firmly follow the course that we followed during the two world wars (and, unfortunately, did not follow in the interval between them), then I have there is no doubt that in the end we will be able to achieve our common goal.
The United Nations must immediately begin to equip with an international military force. In such a matter, we can only move gradually, but we must start now.
However, it would be wrong and imprudent to trust the classified information and experience of creating the atomic bomb, which the United States, Great Britain and Canada currently possess, to the World Organization, which is still in its infancy. It would be criminal folly to let this weapon go adrift in a still agitated and unconnected world.
- Not a single person, in any country, began to sleep worse because the information, funds and raw materials for the creation of this bomb are now concentrated mainly in American hands. I don’t think we would sleep so well now if the situation were reversed, and some communist or neo-fascist state monopolized this terrible tool for some time.
We will still need to have a striking enough superiority to have effective deterrent means against its use or the threat of such use by other countries.
We cannot close our eyes to the fact that the freedoms enjoyed by citizens throughout the British Empire do not apply in a significant number of countries; some of them are quite powerful. In these states, power is imposed on the common people by pervasive police governments. The power of the state is exercised without restriction by dictators or closely-knit oligarchies that rule with the help of a privileged party and political police .
We must relentlessly and fearlessly proclaim the great principles of freedom and human rights that are a shared legacy of the English-speaking world and which, following the Magna Carta, the Bill of Rights, the Habeas Corpus Act, the Jury and English Common Law, found their most famous expression in the Declaration of Independence.
I often quote the words that fifty years ago I heard from the great American speaker of Irish descent and my friend Burke Cochran: “There is enough for everyone. The earth is a generous mother. She will provide a complete abundance of food for all her children, if only they will cultivate it in justice and peace. ”
-A shadow has fallen on the picture of the world, so recently illuminated by the victory of the allies. No one knows what Soviet Russia and its international communist organization intend to do in the near future and what the limits, if any, are to their expansionist and reversed tendencies. I deeply admire and honor the valiant Russian people and my wartime comrade Marshal Stalin.
However, I consider it my duty to tell you some facts - I am sure that you would like me to present you with facts as they appear to me - about the present situation in Europe.
-From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain fell on the continent. On the other side of the curtain are all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe - Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest, Sofia. All of these famous cities and populations in their districts fell within the limits of what I call the Soviet sphere, all of them in one form or another subject not only to Soviet influence, but also to the significant and ever-increasing control of Moscow.
Almost all of these countries are run by police governments, and to this day, with the exception of Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy. The security of the world requires a new unity in Europe, from which neither side should be forever alienated. From the quarrels of these strong indigenous races in Europe, world wars occurred, which we have witnessed or which broke out in earlier times.
Twice in our lives, the United States, against its desires and traditions, and contrary to arguments that cannot be missed, has been dragged into these wars by irresistible forces in order to ensure the victory of a just cause, but only after a terrible massacre and devastation. Twice the United States was forced to send millions of its young men to war across the Atlantic. But at present, war can befall any country, no matter where it is between dusk and dawn. .
However, in many countries around the world, far from the borders of Russia, communist fifth columns have been created, which operate in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directives they receive from the communist center.
I do not believe that Russia wants war. What she wants is the fruits of war and the unlimited spread of her power and doctrine. But what we need to think about here today, while there is still time, is preventing wars forever and creating conditions for freedom and democracy as soon as possible in all countries.
-From what I observed in the behavior of our Russian friends and allies during the war, I learned that they do not respect anything as much as strength, and for nothing they have less respect than military weakness. For this reason, the old doctrine of the balance of power is no longer applicable. We cannot allow ourselves - as far as we can - to act from a position of small advantage, which introduces into the temptation to engage in a breakdown of strength.
If the populations of the British Commonwealth and the United States act together, for all that such cooperation means in the air, at sea, in science and economics, then the turbulent, unstable balance of power that would tempt ambition or adventurism will be ruled out.
On the contrary, there will be perfect confidence in safety. If we faithfully observe the Charter of the United Nations and move forward with calm and sober strength, without claiming foreign lands and wealth and without seeking to establish arbitrary control over the thoughts of people, if all the moral and material forces of Britain unite with yours in a fraternal alliance, then broad paths will open into the future - not only for us, but for everyone, not only for our time, but also for a century to come.
See full text.
And this is the answer of Comrade Stalin, who looked a hundred years ahead (full text).
“In fact, Mr. Churchill now takes the position of warmongers. And Mr. Churchill is not alone here - he has friends not only in England, but also in the United States of America.
It should be noted that Mr. Churchill and his friends are strikingly reminiscent of Hitler and his friends in this respect. Hitler started the war by proclaiming a racial theory, declaring that only people who speak German represent a full-fledged nation.
Mr. Churchill also begins the cause of unleashing war with a racial theory, arguing that only the nations that speak English are full-fledged nations, called upon to decide the fate of the whole world. German racial theory led Hitler and his friends to the conclusion that the Germans, as the only fully-fledged nation, should rule over other nations.
The English racial theory leads Mr. Churchill and his friends to the conclusion that the nations that speak the English language, as the only full-fledged ones, should rule over the rest of the nations of the world.
In fact, Mr. Churchill and his friends in England and the United States are presenting something like an ultimatum to nations that do not speak English: accept our domination voluntarily, and then everything will be in order, otherwise war is inevitable. "
As they say, no comment.
Churchill's Fulton speech is often referred to as the starting point for the Cold War, but in March 1946 the war was gradually gaining momentum.
The confrontation between the USSR and the Anglo-Americans in Iran reached its peak. There were battles between pro-Moscow communists and pro-Western monarchists in Greece. A new round of civil war - between the Communists and the Kuomintang government - began in China. Preparations have begun for the creation of Marxist regimes in North Korea and East Germany and capitalist pro-Western regimes in South Korea and West Germany.
In the former "millennial Reich" the Nuremberg trial continued, in which the Americans, the British, and the Russians acted as accusers of the Nazi leaders, but it was clear that the fear of each other among yesterday's allies was stronger than the fear of the revival of ruined Germany.
In fact, in Fulton, Churchill, with his characteristic expressiveness and beauty of his style, spoke out loud what the Western military and political elite understood and said to themselves in those days.
In many ways, this speech was bitter for the ex-prime minister. “The United States is currently at the pinnacle of global power. Today is a solemn moment for American democracy, because, along with its superiority in power, it has assumed an incredible responsibility to the future, "- this phrase was hardly given to the faithful knight of the British Empire, which for several centuries was the most powerful power on the planet. But the time of the empire passed quickly and irrevocably, the realist Churchill understood this perfectly. A significant part of Fulton's speech focused on the need for a lasting alliance between the United States and the peoples of the British Commonwealth - in the name of peace and security.
Churchill names two threats to humanity - war and tyranny. In minimizing the threat of war, Churchill assigned an important role to the United Nations, which was supposed to become "a true Temple of Peace, where it would be possible to hang the battle shields of many countries, and not just cut the world tower of Babel." To prevent the UN from repeating the inglorious fate of the League of Nations, it should have been endowed with its own armed forces.
“Here I also have a practical proposal for action. Courts cannot operate without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations must immediately begin to equip with an international military force. In such a matter, we can only move gradually, but we must start now. I propose that all states be invited to make available to the World Organization a number of air squadrons. These squadrons would train in their own countries, but would be transferred in rotation from one country to another. The pilots would wear the military uniform of their countries, but with different insignia. They could not be required to participate in hostilities against their own country, but in all other respects they would be led by the World Organization. It would be possible to start creating such forces at a modest level and build them up as trust grows. I wanted it to be done after the First World War, and I sincerely believe that it can be done now. "
Speaking about the second problem - tyranny - Churchill made his speech historic.
The old British lion had behind him the dramatic experience of the 1930s, when Europe recklessly put up with the growth of Nazi military power, pacified Hitler, giving him entire states without a fight. Churchill at that time felt like an ancient Cassandra: he shouted about danger, but no one believed in the horrific designs of Nazism. They believed him only when German tanks rushed to Brussels and Paris, and German bombers to London. Churchill was now determined to prevent a repeat of the 1930s, to prevent a new round of the deadly giveaway game.
It must be said that Churchill did not consider the Soviet Union and Stalin (unlike the Third Reich and Hitler) to be an absolute, transcendent evil. But he also saw what was impossible not to see: yesterday's comrades-in-arms trample on the freedom and dignity of man in vast spaces and want to expand this twilight zone.
“A shadow has fallen on the picture of the world so recently illuminated by the victory of the Allies. No one knows what Soviet Russia and its international communist organization intend to do in the near future and what the limits, if any, are to their expansionist and reversed tendencies. I deeply admire and honor the valiant Russian people and my wartime comrade Marshal Stalin. In England - I have no doubt that here too - they have deep sympathy and goodwill for all the peoples of Russia and the determination to overcome numerous differences and breakdowns in the name of establishing lasting friendship. We understand that Russia needs to ensure the security of its western borders against a possible renewal of German aggression. We are glad to see it in its rightful place among the world's leading powers. We salute her flag on the seas. And above all, we welcome the constant, frequent and growing ties between the Russian and our peoples on both sides of the Atlantic. However, I consider it my duty to present you with some facts - I am sure that you want me to present to you the facts as they appear to me - about the current situation in Europe. "
And the facts were sad. It was in Churchill's Fulton speech that the phrase "iron curtain" was first heard.
“From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain has descended on the continent. On the other side of the curtain are all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe: Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest, Sofia. All these famous cities and the population in their areas fell within the limits of what I call the Soviet sphere. All of them, in one form or another, are subject not only to Soviet influence, but also to significant and increasing control of Moscow. Only Athens, with its undying glory, can freely determine its future in elections with British, American and French observers. The Polish government, under Russian domination, is being encouraged to make enormous and unjust attacks on Germany, leading to massive expulsions of millions of Germans on a tragic and unprecedented scale. The communist parties, which were very small in all these states of Eastern Europe, have achieved exceptional strength, far exceeding their numbers, and everywhere seek to establish totalitarian control. Almost all of these countries are run by police governments, and to this day, with the exception of Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy. Turkey and Persia are deeply concerned and concerned about the claims that are being made against them and the pressure to which they are being subjected by the Moscow government. In Berlin, the Russians are attempting to create a quasi-communist party in their zone of occupied Germany by granting special privileges to groups of leftist German leaders. "
An experienced British politician recalled that the Second World War could have been prevented in 1933 and even in 1935. But at the same time, Churchill did not believe that in 1946 the West had the opportunity for any preemptive rapid military operations. The ex-prime minister spoke about the need to demonstrate the military-political unity of democratic countries.
“I don't believe that Russia wants war. What she wants is the fruits of war and the unlimited spread of her power and doctrine. But what we need to think about here today, while there is still time, is preventing wars forever and creating conditions for freedom and democracy as soon as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not disappear if we close our eyes to them, or simply wait for what will happen, or pursue a policy of appeasement. We need to achieve a settlement, and the longer it takes, the harder it will go, and the more formidable the dangers will become before us. From what I observed in the behavior of our Russian friends and allies during the war, I derived the conviction that they do not respect anything as much as strength, and for nothing they have less respect than military weakness. "
The history of the following decades proved Churchill was right. The unity of the free world, the constant demonstration of political will and military might for a long time held back the communist expansion - until the eastern bloc collapsed, unable to withstand the arms race, under the weight of accumulated social and economic problems.
The Fulton speech is too much tied to the international situation of the mid-1940s. But the iron logic and energetic belief in their righteousness, ideals and victory for world leaders can be learned from Sir Winston Churchill in 2016 - when the shadow fell on the “picture of the world” again.
“Today” two, as it seems to me, fateful events took place in the life of my Motherland.
On March 5, 1946, at Westminster College in Fulton, Missouri, Sir Winston Leonard Spencer Churchill delivered his famous speech, which he called the most important in his entire career, the "Iron Curtain", which actually marked the beginning of the Cold War. I will not go into details about the fact that by that time the plan of the 33rd US President Harry Truman "Boiler" (an attack on 22 largest cities of the USSR with the use of nuclear weapons) was already ready, as well as about the fact that Stalin had to abandon territorial claims against Turkey.
1. The United States is at the pinnacle of global power. This is the solemn moment of American democracy.
2. We cannot close our eyes to the fact that the freedoms that citizens have in the United States, in the British Empire, do not exist in a significant number of countries, some of which are very strong. In these countries, control over ordinary people is imposed from above through various kinds of police governments to such an extent that it contradicts all the principles of democracy. The only instrument capable of preventing war and resisting tyranny at this historical moment is the “fraternal association of English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and the Empire and the United States of America. "
3. Before we can free ourselves from the need for national weapons for self-preservation, we must be sure that our temple is not built on quicksand or bog, but on a solid rocky foundation ... Here I have a practical proposal for action. Courts cannot operate without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations must immediately begin to equip with an international military force.
Does it remind you of anything from today's history?
4. However, it would be wrong and imprudent to trust the classified information and experience of creating the atomic bomb, which the United States, Great Britain and Canada currently have, to the World Organization, which is still in its infancy.
5. A shadow has fallen on the picture of the world, so recently illuminated by the victory of the allies. No one knows what Soviet Russia and its international communist organization intend to do in the near future and what the limits, if any, are to their expansionist and reversed tendencies.
6. From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain fell on the continent. On the other side of the curtain are all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe - Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest, Sofia. All of these famous cities and populations in their districts fell within the limits of what I call the Soviet sphere, all of them in one form or another subject not only to Soviet influence, but also to the significant and ever-increasing control of Moscow. Only Athens, with its undying glory, can freely determine its future in elections with British, American and French observers. The Polish government, under Russian domination, is being encouraged to make enormous and unjust attacks on Germany, leading to massive expulsions of millions of Germans on a tragic and unprecedented scale. The communist parties, which were very small in all these states of Eastern Europe, have achieved exceptional strength, far exceeding their numbers, and everywhere seek to establish totalitarian control. Almost all of these countries are run by police governments, and to this day, with the exception of Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy. Turkey and Persia are deeply concerned and concerned about the claims that are being made against them and the pressure to which they are being subjected by the Moscow government. In Berlin, the Russians are attempting to create a quasi-communist party in their zone of occupied Germany by granting special privileges to groups of leftist German leaders.
7. After the fighting last June, the American and British armies, in accordance with an earlier agreement, withdrew to the West along a front of almost 400 miles to a depth of, in some cases, 150 miles, in order for our Russian allies to occupy this vast territory, conquered by Western democracies. If the Soviet government now tries to create a pro-communist Germany in its zone by separate actions, this will cause new serious difficulties in the British and American zones and will give the defeated Germans the opportunity to arrange bargaining between the Soviets and the Western democracies. Whatever conclusions one draws from these facts - and these are all facts - this will clearly not be the liberated Europe for which we fought.
Interesting: for the freedom of which Europe did they fight from September 39 to June 1944? But now is not about that.
In general: all around, except for the "stronghold" in the person of the United States and, of course, the United Kingdom, the darkness of communism reigns. And there is no longer any certainty that the war will not repeat itself: “ From what I saw in our Russian friends and associates during the war, I conclude that they admire nothing more than strength, and they respect nothing less than weakness, especially military weakness. Therefore, the old doctrine of the balance of power is now unfounded».
Stalin, naturally, could not leave this message unanswered - on March 14, his speech was published in the newspaper Pravda:
“It should be noted that Mr. Churchill and his friends strikingly resemble Hitler and his friends in this respect. Hitler started the war by proclaiming racial theory, declaring that only people who speak German represent a full-fledged nation. Mr. Churchill also begins the cause of unleashing war with a racial theory, arguing that only the nations that speak English are full-fledged nations, called upon to decide the fate of the whole world. German racial theory led Hitler and his friends to the conclusion that the Germans, as the only fully-fledged nation, should rule over other nations. The English racial theory leads Mr. Churchill and his friends to the conclusion that the nations that speak English, as the only full-fledged ones, should rule over the rest of the nations of the world. "
But, nevertheless, Churchill's speech became fundamental to the character and structure of international relations around the world for the next 40 years.
History, as we know, tends to repeat itself. Not to miss the moment now - to decide which side of the new curtain we will find ourselves on.
The second event to be mentioned happened in 1953. On March 5, at 9.50 pm, Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin died. 
The significance of this historical person is difficult to assess. But for those who will start raising the next shit, I will designate one point - atomic bombs did not fall on 22 cities of the Soviet Union ...